equal recognition
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2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Retief Müller

Taking Wentzel van Huyssteen’s work on early human uniqueness in relation to symbolic or religious awareness as a starting point, this article raises a question whether an implicit connection between humanity and the capacity for religiosity had anything to say about how one could evaluate the so-called other’s religion and their humanity. Does the recognition of the other’s full humanity demand an equal recognition of their religiosity, or are these separable? Rather than attempting to answer this hypothetically, the question is approached historically. The article touches on how the capacity to evaluate religion from the outside emerged in modernity and discusses some of the ways this capacity played out in Christian theology. In reference to the colonial era Afrikaner missionaries in Central Africa, the article argues that even partial recognition of the other’s religiosity might have detrimental consequences particularly where this is tied to a partial recognition of their humanity as had happened during the apartheid and proto-apartheid periods.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The article challenges both critical and affirmative scholarly views of religiosity by positing an essential link between humanity and religiosity whilst simultaneously suggesting that a scientific approach to religiosity, which has uncovered important relationships between religiosity and humanity, might be the appropriate approach for full recognition of the other’s humanity.


Acta Humana ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Yemserach Legesse Hailu

Ethiopia is a multilingual country with a federal form of state structure. The 1995 Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE Constitution) gave equal recognition for all Ethiopian languages, but has chosen Amharic to become the working language of the Federal Government. In order to accommodate the needs of non-Amharic speakers in the provision of public services, the Constitution and other laws such as the Criminal Procedure Code, require the use of interpreters. Particularly in criminal proceedings, non-Amharic speakers are entitled to be assisted with a ‘qualified’ interpreter to meaningfully participate in the cases. In practice, it is observed that accused people who do not speak the working language of the federal government are unable to effectively understand or get prompt and detailed information regarding the nature and effect of the case brought against them. Even if they know the case, they are not able to effectively explain their defences to the court or associated bodies, and thereby defend their rights. This study reveals that non-Amharic speakers are not effectively served according to the legal standards. This problem subsists mainly due to the absence or limited number of interpreters, as well as the use of untrained interpreters. Despite some efforts to address the problem, the federal government has not yet laid down any formal mechanism by which people with limited and/or no Amharic language proficiency are properly served in criminal proceedings both before and during trial. This study proposes the federal government to establish court interpreter training institutions and to standardise court interpretation by allocating the necessary budget; lay down a formal mechanism such as enacting detailed laws and working manuals for assigning interpreters; providing other local languages the status of working language; consulting interpretation technologies and working in collaboration with different stakeholders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Sekar Yolanda Azza

The issues of minorities still become an interesting topic to be discussed since practically the laws sometimes cannot protect the rights of the minorities. Homosexuals are one of the minority groups in the United States struggling with homophobia. The existence of gay conversion therapy is a paradox in the multicultural country. This research is conducted to examine how the portrayal of homophobia in gay conversion therapy and how the paradox of multiculturalism depicted in Conley’s memoir entitled Boy Erased. The primary data of this research are the dialog and narration in the memoirpublished in 2016,which contains the irony behind the existence of gay conversion therapy. The secondary data are taken from articles and current news that relates to the issues. The post-nationalism approach, homophobia theory, and multiculturalism theory are used to analyze the data. The study found institutionalized homophobia at Love in Action (LIA) as the gay conversion therapy institution. The reasons behind the existence of gay conversion therapy are the paradox of toleration, lack of equal recognition, and the inability to provide positive accommodation for homosexuals. The existence of gay conversion therapy proved that the struggles of homosexuals in the United States still need to be overcome.


2020 ◽  
pp. 103985622096840
Author(s):  
Neeraj S Gill ◽  
Kathryn Turner

Objective: Mental Health Act 2016 (Qld ) (MHA 2016) includes many ‘less restrictive ways’ to minimise involuntary/compulsory treatment. One such measure, the statutory health attorney, has been adopted from the Powers of Attorney Act 1998 (Qld). This paper analyses the statutory health attorney provision against the human rights framework adopted by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). Method: The statutory health attorney provision was analysed against the CRPD article 12 (equal recognition before the law). Results: The statutory health attorney provision is not based on the will and preferences of the individual, is not free from conflict of interest and is not subject to the required safeguards. Conclusion: The use of a statutory health attorney brings mental health and physical health under the same provision (the fusion law/proposal). However, the statutory health attorney provision is not compatible with the contemporary human rights framework adopted by the CRPD.


Author(s):  
Elif Kalaycioglu

The end of the Cold War, the emergence of nonWestern states as influential actors in global politics, and waves of Western nativism in the United States and Europe have placed questions of cultural diversity centrally in global politics. Although the mainstream paradigms of international relations (IR), namely, realism and liberalism, have remained focused on material power and mutual gains via institutions as the cruxes of global politics, starting with the mid-1990s, an increasing number of IR scholars have attended to the question of cultural diversity and world politics. This scholarship has approached culture, alternatively, as a set of shared meanings stable over time, meanings that are institutionally stabilized, or a field of multiple and competing representations. Accordingly, some (the English school, conventional constructivism) posit culture as internally coherent and externally diverse, associating shared culture with accord and cultural diversity with discord. Others (critical constructivism, postcolonial IR) focus on the power-laden processes through which cultural diversity comes to be associated with Otherness and discord. Most of the relevant scholarship, however, defies paradigmatic categorization. These works are better grouped as interventions into IR theory and as scholarship that focuses on the impact of cultural diversity on the conduct of world politics. The first set of interventions have identified the state of cultural diversity in IR theorizing as an absence, a deep suspicion and an active suppression, or an outdated conceptualization. The IR theoretical path forward has, accordingly, been identified as the inclusion of culture, as dispensing with key theoretical heuristics of the field, or as a new focus on how cultural diversity has been globally governed. The analyses of cultural diversity and the conduct of world politics, taken together, show the intricate connections between existing institutions and norms, and assertions of cultural diversity. While diversity challenges universalizing forms of governance, the demands for the equal recognition of diversity are shaped by existing institutions. Despite key theoretical and analytical insights, the scholarship on cultural diversity can pay further attention to (a) the relation between theoretical notions of cultural diversity and cultural diversity as employed in global politics and (b) the relation between cultural diversity and other global political domains, such as geopolitics. On this, the literature can benefit from engagement with the IR scholarship on civilizations. At the same time, the latter scholarship is highly relevant to the question at hand because civilizations are key conduits of the global politics of cultural diversity.


Engineering social justice education (ESJ) is an emerging core subject in engineering education (EE)and profession. However, several EE institutions are yet to incorporate social justice (SJ) into engineering courses, leading to strong advocacy for EE review of programmes. This paradigm shift is align with ESJ revised curricula to increase the power of engineering knowledge integrated with SJ, which explicitly harnessed in serving vulnerable society, thereby addressing injustices and inequalities; hence the crux of this paper. This paper was guided by Nancy Fraser’s theory of SJ that elucidates that a more equitable distribution of resources is interrelated with equal recognition of different identities/groups within a society. This theory looks at how individuals are prevented from participating as equals by denying them of available resources to do so. This paper takes a broad look at the impact of integrating SJ in EE in Africa, while examining the extent EE has addressed numerous inequalities and, exploring how engineering practitioners can work towards a more just and equitable society. The significance of SJ in EE in the 21st century were discussed among others. Thus, to address social justice in EE, collaboration amongst educational sector and engineering industrialists are central in building and revising EE curriculum inclusive of SJ themes to consolidate engineering professional ethics. This will transform the way educators think about ESJ through creating or converting existing core curriculum courses to attract, retain, and motivate engineering students to become professionals to enact SJ in engineering field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Ketemaw Muluye

Federations are structural arrangements with the tenets of shared rule and self-rule. These federations may be formed through coming-together, holding-together, or putting-together processes. This article aims to situate Ethiopia in one of these three variants and examine its implications for the Amharas’ quest for boundary demarcations and equal recognition in other regions. The data were collected through interviews and document analysis. Accordingly, the article argues that Ethiopia is a putting-together federation because of major flaws committed during the transition. The putting-together federation left ethnic groups such as the Amhara without protection by regional constitutions. It also led to the sanctioning of boundary demarcations that contradicts the criteria listed under the federal constitution. Hence, it is recommended to restructure the federation through democratic bargaining.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Choate ◽  
John A Weymark ◽  
Alan E Wiseman

We use an extension of the Baron–Ferejohn model of legislative bargaining in which there are three legislators, two of whom have partisan ties, to analyze the division of a fixed political resource in a majoritarian legislature. A legislator’s preferences depend on the shares that he and any copartisan receive. We ask whether there are circumstances under which a partisan legislator is willing to delegate proposal-making authority to a party leader so as to take advantage of the special proposal rights accorded by the legislature to this office rather than retaining equal-recognition proposal rights for himself. We show that this is the case only if (i) the leader’s proposal recognition probability is larger than the probability that one of the partisans is recognized when the legislators act independently, (ii) the value of partisan affiliation is sufficiently high, and (iii) the legislators are sufficiently impatient. We explore the relevance of these results to ongoing debates regarding the role and effect of parties and party leaders in Congress.


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