stateless nations
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Author(s):  
Caitlin McMullin ◽  
Michael J. Roy ◽  
Maeve Curtin

We compare the development of the third sector in Scotland and Quebec, which have developed ecosystems that distinguish them from the liberal non-profit regimes of the UK and Canada. We employ an institutional logics framework to consider how the rules, practices, values and beliefs of these ‘stateless nations’ have formed unique structures and identities of the third sector that diverge from their broader national context. Our model demonstrates how the development of the welfare state and approaches to implementing social policy, government–third sector relationships, civic nationalism and solidarity interact in an iterative process to create distinct third sectors.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
En Chi Chen

Abstract Kurdistan is one of the largest stateless nations in the world. Due to its geographical location, straddled between four major nation-states often in conflict with one another, Kurds face a disproportional level of conflict. Research has shown that there are significant mental health consequences as a result of living in conflict zones. It is suspected that the experience of statelessness in Kurdistan differs from the experience of individuals in neighbouring states, regardless of similar conflicts (Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey). This could be due to the compounding effects of a sense of ‘not belonging’, as well as having barriers to accessing mental healthcare as a stateless individual. The current paper seeks to highlight the present literature on the understanding of conflict-related mental health consequences specifically affecting Iraqi Kurdish children and adolescents and to outline gaps in knowledge through a scoping review.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-247
Author(s):  
Philippe Dubois ◽  
Katryne Villeneuve-Siconnelly

This article assesses the media treatment of the Catalan referendum on independence (October 2017) in the Québec context. By conducting a quantitative and deductive content analysis of articles published in the four major Québec newspapers, we analyse how Québec newspapers frames the conflict regarding their historical editorial position about the Québec independence project. In addition, we examine how the comparison between Québec and Catalonia fit into the media coverage. Our results confirm the dominant use of the conflict frame for media coverage of political issues. They also point out the importance of internal and institutional factors like the importance of press agencies or the presence of correspondent on the ground as features influencing frames. In terms of editorial position, data suggest that similar issues between two stateless nations do not automatically involve a similar media treatment. We suggest the concept of ‘projection effect’ to bring nuances to the ‘mirror effect’ proposed in the literature.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 608-636
Author(s):  
Maria Rodó-Zárate

AbstractDebates on nation, self-determination, and nationalism tend to ignore the gender dimension, women's experiences, and feminist proposals on such issues. In turn, feminist discussions on the intersection of oppressions generally avoid the national identity of stateless nations as a source of oppression. In this article, I relate feminism and nationalism through an intersectional framework in the context of the Catalan pro-independence movement. Since the 1970s, Catalan feminists have been developing theories and practices that relate gender and nationality from an intersectional perspective, which may challenge hegemonic genealogies of intersectionality and general assumptions about the relation between nationalism and gender. Focusing on developments made by feminist activists from past and present times, I argue that women are key agents in national construction and that situated intersectional frameworks may provide new insights into relations among axes of inequalities beyond the Anglocentric perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Ario Bimo Utomo

The purpose of this paper is to apply the paradiplomacy framework in exploring the role of NGOs in promoting the issue of marginalised peoples. More specifically, it highlights the Confederation of Independent Football Association (ConIFA), an international football governing body comprising minority peoples, stateless nations, and regions which are unrecognised by the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). The author attempts to discuss ConIFA’s ability in voicing the issue of self-determination concerning its members, which are mainly sidelined in the mainstream international affairs. This paper discusses two questions: (1) does ConIFA qualify to be regarded as a paradiplomatic actor? If yes, in what ways? and (2) to what extent does ConIFA advocate the issue of self-determination of its members? In so doing, the researcher first studies the nature of ConIFA through its own constitution as well as examining its activities through various sources. Second, the author also utilises core concepts on paradiplomacy to seek in which category does ConIFA’s activities fall into. The findings suggest that ConIFA qualifies as a paradiplomatic actor in the sense that it has two forces: horizontal and vertical. Horizontally, it platforms its members to interact with like-minded counterparts through numerous activities. Vertically, ConIFA also possesses a comparative advantage to reach a wider audience by framing the issue through sport. However, the study also indicates that while self-determination is promoted through ConIFA, the organisation does not possess enough political capacity to facilitate a deeper advocacy, thus making its paradiplomatic activities mainly fall into the cultural category.


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