Does ellipsis repair Head Movement constraint violations?

Using English data, I show that Head Movement Constraint violations cannot be repaired by deletion and compare this result with cases of salvation and non-salvation by ellipsis from previous literature. I then consider two possible sources for this lack of repair. The first is to take the Head Movement Constraint as a derivational constraint, and the second is to assimilate it into the Empty Category Principle (Chomsky 1986).

(Tomme) NPer i moderne generativ syntaktisk teori (2. del)

The present paper takes its point of departure in the concept of empty NP-categories, as this is embodied in a more comprehensive theory of NPs. The theoretical framework adopted is mainly that expouned in Chomsky: Lextures on Government and Binding (1981) and subsequent works (though no attempt has been made to incorporate the revised model presented in Chomsky: Barriers (1986)). The paper gives a brief introduction to the main modules of a modern generative grammar (X-bar syntax;0-theory; government (including proper government and the Extended Empty Category Principle); the theory of abstract Case; the theory of Binding; and the theory of Bouding). The paper falls into two parts. In the first part the basic modules and principles are introduced. In the second part, to be published in the next issue of Hermes, it will be shown how these modules interact in the derivation of sentences. Particular attention will be paid to NP-Movement and Wh-Movement. A separate section will deal with the status of PRO. The full bibliography appears after both parts.

(Tomme) NPer i moderne generativ syntaktisk teori (1. del)

The present paper takes its point of departure in the concept of empty NP-categories, as this is embodied in a more comprehensive theory of NPs. The theoretical framework adopted is mainly that expouned in Chomsky: Lextures on Government and Binding (1981) and subsequent works (though no attempt has been made to incorporate the revised model presented in Chomsky: Barriers (1986)). The paper gives a brief introduction to the main modules of a modern generative grammar (X-bar syntax;0-theory; government (including proper government and the Extended Empty Category Principle); the theory of abstract Case; the theory of Binding; and the theory of Bouding). The paper falls into two parts. In the first part the basic modules and principles are introduced. In the second part, to be published in the next issue of Hermes, it will be shown how these modules interact in the derivation of sentences. Particular attention will be paid to NP-Movement and Wh-Movement. A separate section will deal with the status of PRO. The full bibliography appears after both parts.

EPP Extensions

The fact that the specifier of T0 is subject both to the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and to the Empty Category Principle (ECP) has remained an unexplained accident within Government-Binding Theory. I propose a principled account of this correlation. The EPP is a selectional requirement of functional heads (e.g., T, Top, C) that applies at PF—an instance of p-selection for an overt element. Like all selectional requirements, it applies to the head of the selected phrase, explaining why null heads cannot appear in EPP positions (thus deriving certain representational ECP effects). A wide range of empirical results follow, all unified by the exclusion of null-headed phrases from EPP positions: subject-object asymmetries in the distribution of bare nouns in Romance and sentential complements; failure of certain adjuncts to occur in clause-initial position; resistance of indirect objects to Ā-movement; and phonological doubling of heads of fronted categories. I argue against the agreement/checking view of the EPP and show that only the selectional construal allows a natural explanation of its puzzling properties.

Case and the ECP revisited: reply to Kellerman and Yoshioka (1999)

Kellerman and Yoshioka (1999) report the results of three studies on case drop in Japanese involving Dutch-speaking L2 learners. They claim that contra Kanno (1996 and 1998), there was no evidence that their subjects have access to the Empty Category Principle (ECP), which is claimed to regulate the omission of case particles in Japanese. In its place, they propose an alternative functional account: the one-noun hypothesis. Kellerman and Yoshioka point to the availability of Japanese in Hawaii (where Kanno's studies took place) as the source for the ‘inter-population intra-principle’ inconsistency between their study and hers. This paper re-examines their results and argues that they do not undermine the ECP hypothesis. In support of Kanno (1996 and 1998), this paper also presents the results of a new experiment and a reanalysis of Hirakawa's (1998) study.

Interand intra-population consistency: a comment on Kanno (1998)

An article in the last Second Language Research (Kanno, 1998) describes studies in which American adult learners of Japanese in Hawai’i are tested for their knowledge of two UG principles: the Empty Category Principle and the Overt Pronoun Constraint.Kanno shows that native-like knowledge on the part of a learner of the workings of the one principle will not necessarily guarantee that the same individual will have knowledge of the other principle at the same point in time. Therefore, learners are not ‘laterally consistent’. Furthermore, where learners do demonstrate knowledge of a principle at Time 1, they may not do so at Time 2. Thus, says Kanno, there is also a problem of ‘longitudinal consistency’.However, in our comment on Kanno’s paper, we suggest that another form of ‘lateral inconsistency’, which arises from a failure to replicate Kanno’s findings for the ECP in another population of adult learners, constitutes a further muddying of the waters in the UG accessibility debate.

The Return of Constructions

Review essay on: Goldberg, A. Constructions: A construction grammar approach to argument structure. University of Chicago Press (1995). Pp. xi+265.The cornerstone of traditional descriptive grammars is the construction: a recurrent pattern of linguistic elements that serves some well-defined communicative function. Prototypical constructions are sentence-level patterns such as, in English: the imperative, the ditransitive, the passive, the resultative, the yes–no question, and the cleft (each of which may have some subtypes). Also included in some theorists' definition of construction are components of sentences such as the prepositional phrase, the noun phrase, or the genitive noun phrase. Traditional constructions may have some specific words or morphemes associated with them (e.g. by in the full passive, 's in the genitive), but these are generally closed-class morphemes. Almost by definition, traditional constructions are relatively abstract patterns that apply across whole classes of open-class morphemes.One of the defining features of modern-day generative grammar is the absence of constructions. Chomsky (1981) hypothesized that grammatical structure comprises two primary levels: the level of principles and parameters, which is much more abstract than constructions and includes everything from the subjacency constraint to the empty category principle, and the level of the lexicon, which includes all of the concrete morphemes and words of a particular language. In this view, constructions represent a ‘middle level’ of analysis that is, in effect, an epiphenomenon resulting from the interaction of the two primary levels. One outcome of this theoretical move has been that generative linguists concerned with construction-level phenomena have had to fill the generative lexicon with ever richer types of linguistic information, especially for verbs (e.g. Bresnan, 1982; Jackendoff, 1990; Levin, 1995; Pinker, 1989).

Overt Scope Marking and Covert Verb-Second

In this article I investigate certain phenomena relating to superiority, the Empty Category Principle (ECP), and scope. I propose a chain-based scope-marking convention and a new analysis of adjunction, and hypothesize that English is a covert verb-second grammar. The analysis is couched within checking theory and ultimately within the bare theory of phrase structure. I propose category-neutral(-ized) LF representations, displaying VP-recursion but lacking functional heads and their projections, and I suggest that this, in turn, allows significant simplification of index-sensitive head government conditions appearing in many contemporary formulations of the ECP.

Resetting Universal Grammar parameters: evidence from Second Language Acquisition of Subjacency and the Empty Category Principle

This article is concerned with whether the principles of UG are available in adult Second Language Acquisition (SLA) as in child first language acquisi tion. My hypothesis is that these principles are fully available to the L2 learner, and that the process of L2 acquisition is, in fact, a process of parameter-reassignment or new assignment in which the L2 learner resets the parameter-values of the L1 to their values in the L2. In order to test this hypothesis, I built on previous work by Martohardjono (1991) and conducted a study which examined the acquisition of two principles of UG, Subjacency and the Empty Category Principle, by native speakers of Hebrew learning English as a second language. I made a series of predictions with respect to the patterns of acquisition for various constructions in the target language, based on the assumption that L2 grammars are systems of knowledge guided by the internal logic, or 'systematicity' specified by UG. These predictions were borne out by the results of my study, leading to the conclusion that UG is indeed available in SLA. My conclusion corroborates other studies in the field which have reached similar conclusions (e.g., Flynn, 1987; White, 1988 and Martohardjono, 1991).

The Acquisition of Wh-Question Formation by Malagasy Learners of English: Evidence for Universal Grammar

In investigations of the question of whether or not Universal Grammar (UG) is available in non-primary language acquisition, a number of researchers have tried to isolate situations where the way principles of UG operate in the first language (L1) could not help the learner acquire the relevant properties of the second language (L2). If learners show evidence of acquiring properties of the L2 that could not be acquired from the input alone and could not be reconstructed via the L1, this suggests that UG is available in non-primary acquisition; in contrast, if learners fail under such circumstances, this supports the claim that UG is no longer directly accessible. In particular, there has been a tradition of looking at island constraints in this light, using L1s and L2s which differ radically in terms of the surface effects of principles like Subjacency and the Empty Category Principle (ECP) (e.g., Bley-Vroman et al 1988; Johnson and Newport 1991; Martohardjono 1991a, 1991b; Martohardjono and Gair 1992; Schachter 1989, 1990; White 1989, 1992).