Accommodating England

Following from these primarily data-driven chapters, Chapter 7 assesses the political challenges that arise in the context of the rise of English nationalism. In particular, we discuss the ways in which three constraints—the pattern of public attitudes in England, the institutional fusion of English and all-UK institutions, as well as the overwhelming size of England relative to the other constituent territories of the union—all serve to shape, limit, or undermine attempts to accommodate England within the post-devolution UK. The chapter then examines in detail the various efforts of political parties to answer ‘the English question’.

The English World View

Linking together the analysis in the previous three chapters, Chapter 5 delineates what we term the ‘English world view’. Our argument is that English attitudes towards England’s place in the union and Britain’s place in the world are underpinned by a distinctive understanding of what constitutes legitimate government. Devolution and European integration offend, in part at least, because they offend against it. There is a clear sense among English identifiers that they no longer live in a state that is interested in them or acts on their behalves. Low levels of efficacy help to explain this world view. We go on to demarcate more clearly those parts of England’s population that hold such views.

The English on Britain in the World

In Chapter 4 we turn our attention to the other side of the English nationalist coin— namely, English views of Britain and its place in the world. We show how Euroscepticism and negative attitudes towards immigration are both prevalent among those who feel exclusively or predominantly English. We also show how this group feels a strong sense of kinship with (some) of the nations of the so-called Anglosphere. We argue that the latter is an aspect of the imperial legacy in contemporary British politics.

On Englishness and Britishness

In Chapter 2 we ask who are the English and where might they be found? Using different survey measures, we show that, even if English identity has strengthened since the early 1990s, those who view themselves as strongly English remain deeply attached to Britishness. We also demonstrate that, with the partial exception of London, there is very little regional variation in terms of patterns of national identity. There are, however, socio-economic and demographic differences. Older people, Anglicans, those in social class DE, and those born in England are all more likely to feel strongly or exclusively English. By contrast, younger voters, ‘non-white British’, and those born outside England are more likely to identify themselves as British. The chapter then examines what people associate with England and Britain. The responses are similar, but English and British identifiers prioritize slightly different elements of England and Britain’s past and present.

Introduction

In this Introduction we outline the logic of the entire project. This includes an explanation of what we do and do not know about national identity and nationalism in England, as well as the need for a survey vehicle that addresses these topics. We then outline the structure of the book and explain its main arguments.

England, Scotland, and Wales Compared

Chapter 6 shifts our focus beyond England and compares English attitudes with those of other identity groups across Britain. We show that many of the attitudes that attach to Englishness in England attach to Britishness in Scotland and Wales. This serves to underline the key point that Britishness means different things in different parts of Britain. The views of the predominantly or exclusively British in England do not align with those of the predominantly or exclusively British in Scotland and Wales. At least on some of the issues explored in this book, they are in fact closer to the views of those in both countries who feel predominantly or exclusively Scottish and Welsh.

England Speaks

Chapter 1 focuses on the campaigns that preceded the 2015 UK general election and the 2016 EU referendum. In part this is because these two electoral events were clearly linked: it was the Conservatives’ unexpected victory in the former that paved the way for the latter. But both campaigns also highlight different aspects of the English nationalism that is discussed in the remainder of the book. In 2015, the Conservative campaign successfully mobilized English suspicion at the prospect of SNP influence over a minority Labour government—a suspicion rooted in a deep sense of English grievance about Scotland’s alleged unfairly privileged position within the union. Only a year later, England was hardly mentioned by the Leave campaign. Yet, as we shall see, in England, its vision of and for Britain appealed overwhelmingly to those with a strong sense of English identity but not, perhaps ironically, to those who feel exclusively or predominantly British.

The English on England and the United Kingdom

Chapter 3 explores English attitudes to England and its place within the United Kingdom, attitudes that are strikingly different from those held by that proportion of England’s population that views itself in primarily or exclusively British terms. English identity is strongly linked to what we term ‘devo-anxiety’—namely, a belief that England is not fairly treated in the union as currently constructed. Scottish MPs are perceived to have too much influence and Scottish public spending is perceived to be too high. Also evident is support for the recognition of England as a unit within the UK state. Support for solutions that treat England as an indivisible whole are more popular than options to divide it into regions. English identifiers are also the most ambivalent unionists in England, with a clear majority in favour of Northern Ireland breaking away, and plurality support for Scottish and Welsh independence.

Analysing England

Finally, Chapter 8 focuses on the analytical challenges posed by English nationalism. We explore how the academic literature on nationalism helps us better to understand the politicized English identity that has been the subject of the previous chapters, including the relationship between English and British nationalism. We also outline methodological and infrastructural implications of our findings for the future study of ‘British politics’ if we are to take England and Englishness seriously.