Climate Change Policy Formation in Australia: 1995–1998

Author(s):  
R. Taplin ◽  
X. Yu
2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 549-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Brown ◽  
John Lemons ◽  
Nancy Tuana

2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Rose ◽  
Dan Wei ◽  
Jeffrey Wennberg ◽  
Thomas Peterson

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 549-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Brown ◽  
John Lemons ◽  
Nancy Tuana

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-74
Author(s):  
Nikita Chiu

AbstractIn an increasingly globalised world, today’s international challenges such as climate change transcend national boundaries and require multi-level governance responses. Cities, in particular, stand out as an essential governing unit with huge potentials in resolving some of the 21st century’s most pressing concerns. The recent explosion of the phenomenon of city-networks reflects intensifying city-to-city interactions in addressing global environmental issues. This article examines the case of Tokyo in addressing challenges posed by climate change. Examining the origin, development, and diffusion of Tokyo’s climate change policy, the cap-and-trade scheme was found to have first diffused from Europe to Tokyo, adjusted to adapt to the local context, then further diffused to other Asian cities. Study of Tokyo’s experience demonstrates that policy formation does not always follow a centralized, top-down, command-and-control approach. This findings challenge conventional realist conception which emphasises the dominance of central authorities and sovereign states in global policy formation. Under the framework of global governance, this article argues that cities are important sites of policy experimentation and innovation, and that the case of Tokyo demonstrates the potential of cross-country policy diffusion.


2010 ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Agibalov ◽  
A. Kokorin

Copenhagen summit results could be called a failure. This is the failure of UN climate change policy management, but definitely the first step to a new order as well. The article reviews main characteristics of climate policy paradigm shifts. Russian interests in climate change policy and main threats are analyzed. Successful development and implementation of energy savings and energy efficiency policy are necessary and would sufficiently help solving the global climate change problem.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Godínez-Zamora ◽  
Luis Victor-Gallardo ◽  
Jam Angulo-Paniagua ◽  
Eunice Ramos ◽  
Mark Howells ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross Gittell ◽  
Josh Stillwagon

<p>This paper explores the influence of US state-level policies meant to address climate change on clean technology industry development. The largest influence of climate change policies is identified as being on energy research employment. Only some policies seem to contribute positively to clean tech employment while other policies appear to discourage employment growth. The magnitudes of the short term effects, even when statistically significant, are modest. Negative impacts on employment are identified for several mandate-oriented, so called command and control, policies including vehicle greenhouse gas standards, energy efficiency resource standards, and renewable portfolio standards with the former two having increasing negative effects over time. The findings suggest that climate change policy advocates should be careful to not assume that there will be positive clean tech employment benefits from state-level energy and environmental policies. Instead, the benefits from these policies may derive primarily from other considerations beyond the scope of this paper, including health and environmental benefits and reduction of dependence on foreign energy sources.</p>


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 80-85
Author(s):  
Daniel Bodansky

After four years of not simply inaction but significant retrogression in U.S. climate change policy, the Biden administration has its work cut out. As a start, it needs to undo what Trump did. The Biden administration took a step in that direction on Day 1 by rejoining the Paris Agreement. But simply restoring the pre-Trump status quo ante is not enough. The United States also needs to push for more ambitious global action. In part, this will require strengthening parties’ nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement; but it will also require actions by what Sue Biniaz, the former State Department climate change lawyer, likes to call the Greater Metropolitan Paris Agreement—that is, the array of other international actors that help advance the Paris Agreement's goals, including global institutions such as the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the Montreal Protocol, and the World Bank, as well as regional organizations and non-state actors. Although the Biden administration can pursue some of these international initiatives directly through executive action, new regulatory initiatives will face an uncertain fate in the Supreme Court. So how much the Biden Administration is able to achieve will likely depend significantly on how much a nearly evenly-divided Congress is willing to support.


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