Political Parties and Constitutional Change

2013 ◽  
pp. 205-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shane Martin ◽  
Bjørn Erik Rasch
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Constitutional Change

10. The House of Lords

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-228
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The Public ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government

This chapter studies the House of Lords. The membership of the House of Lords largely relies on patronage. Members of the Lords come from a variety of backgrounds with wide-ranging expertise, and are appointed by the Queen on the Prime Minister's advice. They can be nominated by political parties, by the public, or by themselves. The House of Lords is an important revising and scrutinising chamber, but it is also subordinate to the democratically elected House of Commons. The Lords' main functions are scrutinising and challenging the government, investigating and debating issues of public interest, and scrutinising and revising legislation. While it respects the primacy of the Commons, the House of Lords is also a check on constitutional change by the Commons. The chapter then looks at the Parliament Act 1911, which established the Commons' primacy over the House of Lords.

Terrorism and Constitutional Change: Lessons from Spain

ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Tyulkina
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Future Application ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Constitutional Protection ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Political Freedoms

AbstractThis article investigates recent developments in Spain’s anti-terrorism regime, in particular the 2002 Law on Political Parties which introduced a non-criminal procedure to outlaw political parties. The 2002 Law was adopted as a response to the continuing exist­ence of political violence associated with terrorist group ETA. It therefore constitutes part of the national counterterrorism regime. This article argues that the 2002 Law was a leg­islative novelty and that its immediate application to ban the political party Batasuna brought about substantial changes to the existing system of constitutional protection of political freedoms, as well as modifying the established standards of constitutional review of anti-terrorism legislation. Furthermore, the result of the November 2011 Spanish parlia­mentary elections has brought questions on the effectiveness of the 2002 Law and its pos­sible future application to the fore of political and legal discourse. The article concludes that the outcome of the 2002 Law on Political Parties is rather disappointing and suggests that there are lessons other democracies can learn both for their counterterrorism policies and treatment of political parties.

Concentrating political power is risk to Tajikistan

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Economic Stress ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Faith Based ◽  
The North ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Security Treaty ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
The Right

Subject Stability risks in Tajikistan. Significance In a May 22 referendum, voters in Tajikistan gave President Emomali Rahmon the right to stand for office repeatedly, in effect making him president for life. He is consolidating his power around a narrow base of relatives and allies at a time of particular economic stress. Another constitutional change banning faith-based political parties targeted the Islamic Rebirth Party (IRP), a significant and moderate force outlawed in 2015. Impacts Tajikistan will seek membership of the Eurasian Economic Union to secure better opportunities for labour migrants in Russia. Cut off by Uzbekistan to the north, Tajikistan will try to expand trade and energy routes to South Asia. Moscow will conduct regular counter-insurgency wargames through the Collective Security Treaty Organisation.

scholarly journals Constitutional Change to Address Climate Change and Nonrenewable Energy Use

2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2008
Author(s):  
Lynn McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Greenhouse Gas ◽  
Energy Use ◽  
Energy Sources ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Low Carbon ◽  
Address Climate Change ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Low Carbon Energy

Climate change, or climate breakdown, is arguably the greatest challenge we now face. The need to address it seriously has been widely accepted by all national political parties in Can- ada, if only lately and grudgingly. Yet Canada is far behind European countries in turning to low-carbon energy sources — we remain the world’s highest per capita energy user and car- bon emitter. We signed the Kyoto Protocol,1 but far from meeting our obligations under it, we have increased our greenhouse gas emissions. Our record is worse than even the Americans, who did not sign Kyoto.

Risk Aversion, Gender, and Constitutional Change

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (03) ◽  
pp. 499-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tània Verge ◽  
Marc Guinjoan ◽  
Toni Rodon
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Industrial Democracies ◽  
Broad Array ◽  
Independence Movements

Independence movements are today present in several stateless territorially concentrated nations, irrespective of their level of self-government. Among advanced industrial democracies, the stronger secessionist movements are found in Belgium, Canada, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom (Keating 1996; Sorens 2005). In the absence of a secession clause in their respective constitutions, a broad array of political parties and civil society groups have mobilized to demand a self-determination referendum as a means to let the citizenry of their territories express their will (Muñoz and Guinjoan 2013). Canada held a referendum on the secession of Quebec in 1980 and 1995. The United Kingdom called a popular vote on Scotland's independence in September 2014. In the Spanish case, Catalonia convoked a consultation in November 2014, although the central government did not recognize its legality.

scholarly journals Cabinet Formation Elections: Among Opposition, Coalition, or Collegiality of The Party’s Chairperson

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sulardi Sulardi ◽  
Wafda Vivid Izziyana
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Government Coalition

Constitutional change is always tinged with a tense and lasting political constellation in both national and international contexts. the existence of transactional politics to gain seats constantly influences political dynamics in the election period. The method used in this research is the doctrinal method. Indonesia applies a presidential government system but does not fully follow the existing doctrine. several coalitions in the government coalition were made. As a result when the President and Vice President are nominated. political parties that support the nomination feel they have the right to join the government, as in the parliamentary system of government. The cabinet filling model is also influenced by supporting parties. It shows that political parties can collaborate to form a joint government, however, the President has the prerogative in determining who will be his minister. It should be carefully noted down that our country is a country adopting a presidential government system. As a result, the formation and the ministers elections of the government is not at the hand of the chairperson of the political parties coalition, but fully at the hand of the president as the President’s prerogative rights. This cannot be proceeded. Chairperson of the Political parties in a coalition may expect to get some seats of powers (minister) from the President Keywords: cabinet; election; political; party; chairperson

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