Social Science and Public Policy

2003 ◽  
pp. 409-424
Author(s):  
Max Steuer
Keyword(s):  
1983 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 13-13
Author(s):  
Avery Leiserson

This essay addresses the problem of teachers and students who have reached the point of trying to find a common ground for perceiving (seeing) politics. This may occur almost any time during any social science course, but it cannot be assumed to happen automatically the first day of class in government, citizenship, or public affairs. Hopefully, the signal is some variant of the question: “What do we mean by politics, or the political aspect of human affairs?” A parade of definitions — taking controversial positions on public policy issues; running for elective office; who gets what, when and how; and manipulating people—is not a mutually-satisfying answer if it produces the Queen of Hearts’ attitude in students that the word politics means what they choose it to mean and nothing more.


Author(s):  
Patti Tamara Lenard ◽  
David Miller

This article examines evidence from social psychology and comparative social science on the trust-related effects of having a national identity. The starting hypothesis is that identities provide a foundation for extending trust by permitting those who share them to make assumptions about the motivations and intentions of others. The discussion in the article establishes that this hypothesis is empirically supported, and examines the trust-related effects of national identities in particular. We are attentive to the strength and quality of these identities, which correlate with how inclusive or exclusive they are. We then propose that public policy steers national identities in a culturally civic direction, emphasizing elements that are accessible to newcomers and minorities and downplaying those that are not.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-136
Author(s):  
Sarah Momilani Marshall ◽  
Poki‘i Balaz ◽  
Tammy Martin ◽  
Adrienne Dillard ◽  
Sophia Kim ◽  
...  

BackgroundPublic perceptions of juveniles involved in commercial sexual activity are heavily shaped by media and communication frames, and these perceptions influence the direction of public policy priorities.ObjectiveA systematic critical analysis of trends in the literature was conducted to evaluate the framing of this population as either deserving of policy aid or undeserving of policy aid.MethodsThe language of professionals in medical, legal, and social science peer-reviewed journals was assessed, encompassing the years 1985–2015.FindingsFindings suggest that the framing of these juveniles is slowly shifting away from a perspective of juvenile culpability and toward a perspective of juvenile exploitation.ConclusionsCurrent research efforts are imperative and should be focused on the reconceptualization of these juveniles as victims of abuse and exploitation.


Author(s):  
Donald P. Haider-Markel

This encyclopedia reviews and interprets a broad array of social science and humanities research on LGBT people, politics, and public policy around the world. The articles are organized around six major themes of the study of identity politics, with a focus on movement politics, public attitudes, political institutions, elections, and the broader context of political theory. Under the editorial directorship of Donald P. Haider-Markel and associate editors Carlos Ball, Gary Mucciaroni, Bruno Perreau, Craig A. Rimmerman, and Jami K. Taylor, this publication brings together peer-reviewed contributions by leading researchers and offers a the most comprehensive view of research on LGBT politics and policy to date. As a result, the Oxford Encyclopedia of LGBT Politics and Policy is a necessary resource for students and as well as both new and established scholars.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt

This chapter demonstrates how assumptions of racial superiority and inferiority tightly bound together statistical races, social science, and public policy. The starting point of this is constitutional language. The U.S. Constitution required a census of the white, the black, and the red races. Without this statistical compromise there would not have been a United States as it is today. In the early censuses slaves were counted as three-fifths of a person, a ratio demanded by slaveholder interests as the price of joining the Union. A deep policy disagreement at the moment of founding the nation was resolved in the creation of a statistical race. Later in American history the reverse frequently occurred. Specific policies—affirmative action, for example—took the shape they did because the statistical races were already at hand.


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