The Place of the Church in the Romanian Public Sphere: From Charitable Entrepreneur to Political Agent

Author(s):  
Bogdan Mihai Radu
2019 ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Anna M. Yakovleva ◽  
◽  
Alexey V. Volobuev ◽  

. The review deals with the problem of Orthodox fundamentalism in the discussion of Englishspeaking authors of different denominations, representatives of canonical and non-canonical Orthodox churches, which took place in theological discussions, in journalism and at scientific conferences mainly in recent years. The main materials are first introduced into the scientific circulation in Russian. The concepts of fundamentalism in Orthodoxy in the foreign press are presented; the definitions of Orthodox fundamentalism, the main theses of opponents and their argumentation are given. Frequently, the word “fundamentalism” in relation to Orthodoxy is used as a banal nickname for those opponents who have traditional or conservative beliefs, are prone to “ritualism”, shows intolerance and lack of readiness for dialogue, including ecumenical. However, since the beginning of the 21st century, theologians, priests and scholars have been trying to give a stricter definition of such fundamentalism as a phenomenon of the modern era, especially in its demise. It is primarily about the attitude to the works of the holy fathers of the Church. It is expressed, in particular, the opinion that the veneration of patristic writings, along with the resolutions of the Councils (which constitutes the Holy Tradition) should be revised. However, the concept of “Orthodox fundamentalism”, as follows from the given review, has not yet been formed. But one can speak of such signs of it, connected, in particular, with a wide exit to the public sphere of mass consciousness, as the striving to minimize theological provisions, absolutization of some provisions of dogma to the detriment of others, and the logos (modern) reading of the myth.


2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olufunke Adeboye

AbstractOver the past two decades Nigeria has become a hotbed of Pentecostal activity. It is the view of this study that Pentecostal visibility in Nigeria has been enhanced not just by Pentecostals’ aggressive utilization of media technology for proselytization as claimed by previous scholars, but also by their appropriation of public spaces for worship. This study not only focuses on the church in the cinema hall, but also on churches in nightclubs, hotels, and other such places previously demonized as ‘abode[s] of sin’ by classical Pentecostals. This paper argues that users’ perception of public spaces having rigid meanings and unchanging usage was responsible for much of the tensions experienced. It would be more useful for academic analysts and various ‘publics’ to construe such spaces as dynamic sites, at once reflecting mutations in the public sphere, responsive to local and global socio-economic processes, and amenable to periodic reinventions and negotiations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3(27)) ◽  
pp. 409-425
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Stępniak

Religious advertising as a kind of religious persuasive communication based on the element of the sacred is a Polish phenomenon. The article presents studies on religious advertising, its definition and typology and reception by select social groups. This kind of advertising confirms not only Hjelm’s concept of the visibility of religion, as it exists in both the media and public sphere, but also David Herbert’s concept of republicisation. In a country without a clear division between State and the Church, despite a well-researched decline in traditional religiosity, religion is visible in social media and facilitates development of human relationships, both online and offline. Commercial media, including the Catholic ones, seem to be perfectly subjugated to the logic of media, which supports Stig Hjarvard’s process of mediatization of religion.


Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lamont

In recent years there has been an outpouring of Kenyan scholarship on the ways popular musicians engage with politics in the public sphere. With respect to the rise in the 1990s and 2000s of gospel music – whose politics are more pietistic than activist – this article challenges how to ‘understand’ the politics of gospel music taken from a small speech community, in this case the Meru. In observing street performances of a new style of preaching, ‘lip-synch’ gospel, I offer ethnographic readings of song lyrics to show that Meru's gospel singers can address moral debates not readily aired in mainline and Pentecostal-Charismatic churches. Critical of hypocrisy in the church and engaging with a wider politics of belonging and identity, Meru gospel singers weave localized ethnopoetics into their Christian music, with the effect that their politics effectively remain concealed within Meru and invisible to the national public sphere. While contesting the perceived corruption, sin and hypocrisy in everyday sociality, such Meru gospel singer groups cannot rightly be considered a local ‘counter-public’ because they still work their politics in the shadows of the churches.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-288
Author(s):  
Torbjörn Johansson

In this article Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s critical reception of the Lutheran doctrine of the two kingdoms is related to the discussion about religion and politics in liberal democracies. Bonhoeffer experienced not only how the church isolated itself from the political sphere—by a ‘pseudo-Lutheran’ doctrine of the two kingdoms—but also how the church was politicized and abused by Deutsche Christen. His theological thinking is therefore a helpful starting point to formulate a theology which is politically relevant without being transformed into politics. Against the background of Bonhoeffer’s theology an argument is advanced that a renewed understanding of the two kingdoms assists the church in being focused on the Gospel, at the same time as it can also give the church instruments to be present in the public sphere with well-defined pretensions, which clarifies whether the assertions of the church are based on revelation or on public reason.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Wasisto Raharjo Jati

Abstract: This article aims at analyzing agenda of socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslim . Compared with other middle class groups, middle class muslim is a middle class which tends to have political sense toward political changes. It is caused by its political experiences they have got such as alienation, authoritarianism, and inequality. Those ironic experiences make Indonesian middle class become political agent. Political experiences which have happened in middle east such as Turkey, Iran, and Egypt become main preferention to analyze current situation. Therea are two prominent perspectives to see socio-political changes which are addressed to Indonesian middle class muslim:   post Islamism and Islam populism . The first perspective, political changes is synergically based on mutual cooperation between Islam, democracy, and liberalism. On the other hand, the second one, revolusion is placed as  the main strategy of affirmative political change done by middle class. More specifically, Islamist ideology rejects religious modernity and seeks to oppose Islam against secular, pluralistic and liberal understandings of the “emancipated self” and the democratic public sphere. Those both perspectives are then used to analyze case of Indonesian middle class muslims. This article will elaborate more deeply to analyze socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslims.الملخص: هذا الكتاب يحصل ليتخذ الفرق فى الثقفة والسياسيّة على الفنّ المتوسط للمسلمين الاندونسي اختلافا بالفنّ المتوسّط الاخرى. الفنّ المتوسط للمسلمين كان فنّا متوسطا سياسيّا على اختلاف السياسيّة. ذالك الفصل يشمل بكون السياسيّة المحصول كمثل رأي الناس. و يشمل ايضا هذا الكتاب يتّخذ على المعاشرة بالمعروف. كثرة حال السائريصير فنّا متوسّطا للمسلمين للدلالة السياسيّة. السياسيّة فى كون مثل المعاشرة فى العرب, كمثل مصرى, تركى, عير اختيار الاولى للتخاذ الفرق على الثقفة السياسيّة فى ذالك المكان. امّا الاوّل رأيان فى نظر فرق ثقفة السياسيّة بعلاملت فنّ متوسّط المسلمين. وهو بعد الاسلاميّة و الاسلامية الذى نصر المستضعفين. الرأي الاوّل, يحصل على الحضارة و دموكراتية و الحرّية. الرأي الثانى, يحصل على التغيّر بطريق الاوّل من تغيير السياسيّة  تأكيدا يعمل على الفنّ المتوسّط. رأيان يستقبل ليتّخذ فنّ المسلمين فى اندنسي. هذا الكتاب يصير فى تغيير ثقفة السياسية على فنّ متوسّط المسلمين فى اندنسي.Abstrak: Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis agenda perubahan sosial politik bagi kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.  Dibandingkan dengan kelas menengah lainnya, kelas menengah muslim adalah kelas menengah yang politis terhadap perubahan politik. Hal tersebut terkait dengan adanya pengalaman politis yang dialami seperti halnya alienasi, otoritarianisme, maupn juga ketimpangan. Berbagai kondisi satir itulah yang menjadikan kelas menengah muslim tampil sebagai agen politik. Pengalaman politik seperti yang terjadi dalam kasus masyarakat Timur Tengah seperti Mesir, Turki, dan Iran menjadi preferensi utama dalam menganalisis perubahan sosial politik yang ada. Terdapat dua perspektif penting dalam melihat agenda perubahan sosial politik yang dialamatkan oleh kelas menengah muslim yakni post-Islamisme dan Islam populisme. Perspektif pertama lebih mengandalkan adanya sinergi antara Islam, demokrasi, dan liberalisme. Perspektif kedua lebih mendudukkan revolusi sebagai jalan utama perubahan politik afirmatif yang dilakukan oleh kelas menengah. Kedua perspektif itulah yang kemudian dilihat dalam menganalisis kasus kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.  Tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi lebih dalam mengenai agenda perubahan sosial poltik dalam kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.


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