scholarly journals Memaknai Kelas Menengah Muslim Sebagai Agen Perubahan Sosial Politik Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Wasisto Raharjo Jati

Abstract: This article aims at analyzing agenda of socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslim . Compared with other middle class groups, middle class muslim is a middle class which tends to have political sense toward political changes. It is caused by its political experiences they have got such as alienation, authoritarianism, and inequality. Those ironic experiences make Indonesian middle class become political agent. Political experiences which have happened in middle east such as Turkey, Iran, and Egypt become main preferention to analyze current situation. Therea are two prominent perspectives to see socio-political changes which are addressed to Indonesian middle class muslim:   post Islamism and Islam populism . The first perspective, political changes is synergically based on mutual cooperation between Islam, democracy, and liberalism. On the other hand, the second one, revolusion is placed as  the main strategy of affirmative political change done by middle class. More specifically, Islamist ideology rejects religious modernity and seeks to oppose Islam against secular, pluralistic and liberal understandings of the “emancipated self” and the democratic public sphere. Those both perspectives are then used to analyze case of Indonesian middle class muslims. This article will elaborate more deeply to analyze socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslims.الملخص: هذا الكتاب يحصل ليتخذ الفرق فى الثقفة والسياسيّة على الفنّ المتوسط للمسلمين الاندونسي اختلافا بالفنّ المتوسّط الاخرى. الفنّ المتوسط للمسلمين كان فنّا متوسطا سياسيّا على اختلاف السياسيّة. ذالك الفصل يشمل بكون السياسيّة المحصول كمثل رأي الناس. و يشمل ايضا هذا الكتاب يتّخذ على المعاشرة بالمعروف. كثرة حال السائريصير فنّا متوسّطا للمسلمين للدلالة السياسيّة. السياسيّة فى كون مثل المعاشرة فى العرب, كمثل مصرى, تركى, عير اختيار الاولى للتخاذ الفرق على الثقفة السياسيّة فى ذالك المكان. امّا الاوّل رأيان فى نظر فرق ثقفة السياسيّة بعلاملت فنّ متوسّط المسلمين. وهو بعد الاسلاميّة و الاسلامية الذى نصر المستضعفين. الرأي الاوّل, يحصل على الحضارة و دموكراتية و الحرّية. الرأي الثانى, يحصل على التغيّر بطريق الاوّل من تغيير السياسيّة  تأكيدا يعمل على الفنّ المتوسّط. رأيان يستقبل ليتّخذ فنّ المسلمين فى اندنسي. هذا الكتاب يصير فى تغيير ثقفة السياسية على فنّ متوسّط المسلمين فى اندنسي.Abstrak: Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis agenda perubahan sosial politik bagi kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.  Dibandingkan dengan kelas menengah lainnya, kelas menengah muslim adalah kelas menengah yang politis terhadap perubahan politik. Hal tersebut terkait dengan adanya pengalaman politis yang dialami seperti halnya alienasi, otoritarianisme, maupn juga ketimpangan. Berbagai kondisi satir itulah yang menjadikan kelas menengah muslim tampil sebagai agen politik. Pengalaman politik seperti yang terjadi dalam kasus masyarakat Timur Tengah seperti Mesir, Turki, dan Iran menjadi preferensi utama dalam menganalisis perubahan sosial politik yang ada. Terdapat dua perspektif penting dalam melihat agenda perubahan sosial politik yang dialamatkan oleh kelas menengah muslim yakni post-Islamisme dan Islam populisme. Perspektif pertama lebih mengandalkan adanya sinergi antara Islam, demokrasi, dan liberalisme. Perspektif kedua lebih mendudukkan revolusi sebagai jalan utama perubahan politik afirmatif yang dilakukan oleh kelas menengah. Kedua perspektif itulah yang kemudian dilihat dalam menganalisis kasus kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.  Tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi lebih dalam mengenai agenda perubahan sosial poltik dalam kelas menengah muslim Indonesia.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomila V. Lankina

A devastating challenge to the idea of communism as a 'great leveller', this extraordinarily original, rigorous, and ambitious book debunks Marxism-inspired accounts of its equalitarian consequences. It is the first study systematically to link the genesis of the 'bourgeoisie-cum-middle class' – Imperial, Soviet, and post-communist – to Tzarist estate institutions which distinguished between nobility, clergy, the urban merchants and meshchane, and peasants. It demonstrates how the pre-communist bourgeoisie, particularly the merchant and urban commercial strata but also the high human capital aristocracy and clergy, survived and adapted in Soviet Russia. Under both Tzarism and communism, the estate system engendered an educated, autonomous bourgeoisie and professional class, along with an oppositional public sphere, and persistent social cleavages that continue to plague democratic consensus. This book also shows how the middle class, conventionally bracketed under one generic umbrella, is often two-pronged in nature – one originating among the educated estates of feudal orders, and the other fabricated as part of state-induced modernization.


Author(s):  
Emma Hunter

This chapter takes a look at colonial East Africa. On the one hand, the chapter shows that the colonial economy and racial hierarchies of East Africa offered little potential for the growth of an African bourgeoisie. On the other hand, it demonstrates that in the cultural rather than the economic sphere, a slightly different picture emerges. Looking at the Swahili-language government and the mission newspapers of colonial Zanzibar and Tanganyika between the 1880s and the 1930s, the chapter reveals the ways in which a small but growing literate elite in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century East Africa used the medium of print in order to allow them to create “a space in which new collectivities could be imagined and identities constructed.” The particular space offered by newspapers and periodicals thus provided a possibility for African middle classes to create a distinct public sphere and to assert their distinctiveness by rhetorically identifying with, and making a claim of belonging to, an imagined global bourgeoisie.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-87
Author(s):  
Martin Van Bruinessen

Ali Ezzatyar, The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan: Ethnic and Religious Implications in the Greater Middle East. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. xv + 246 pp., (ISBN 978-1-137-56525-9 hardback).For a brief period in 1979, when the Kurds had begun confronting Iran’s new Islamic revolutionary regime and were voicing demands for autonomy and cultural rights, Ahmad Moftizadeh was one of the most powerful men in Iranian Kurdistan. He was the only Kurdish leader who shared the new regime’s conviction that a just social and political order could be established on the basis of Islamic principles. The other Kurdish movements were firmly secular, even though many of their supporters were personally pious Muslims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Dr. Indu Goyal

Marriage is an important thing in the life of a woman. The importance that our society attaches to marriage is reflected in our literature and it is the central concern of Shashi Deshpade’s novels. In our society where girl learns early that she is ‘Paraya Dhan’, and she is her parents’ responsibility till the day she is handed over to her rightful owners. What a girl makes of her life, how she shapes herself as an individual, what profession she takes up is not as important as whom she marries. Marriage is the ultimate goal of a woman’s life. This paper attempts to probe into the problems of marriage through the protagonists of her novels where one enjoys the freedom of marriage and the other accepts the traditional marriage. Shashi Deshpade highlights the problems of marriage faced by middle-class people in finding suitable grooms for their daughters. This problem is well-illustrated through the characters of her novels. Since the girl’s mind over her childhood is tuned that she is another’s property, she tries to attach a lot of importance to it. it is indeed a tragedy that even in the modern age, Indian females echo the same sentiment where it was marriage which mattered most of them but not to the men. It is a beginning of females sacrifices in life that marriage brings to her. Shashi Deshpande encourages her female protagonists to rise in rebellion against the males in the family matters, instead she wants to build a harmonious relationship between man and woman in a mood of compromise and reconciliation.  


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Vikram Patel

hetan Bhagat is one of the most influential fiction writers of contemporary Indian English literature. Postmodern subjects like youth aspirations, love, sex, marriage, urban middle class sensibilities, and issues related to corruption, politics, education and their impact on the contemporary Indian society are recurrently reflected thematic concerns in his fictions. In all his fictions, he has mostly depicted the contemporary urban social milieu of Indian society. Though the fictions of Chetan Bhagat are romantic in nature, contemporary Indian society and its major issues are the chief of the concerns of all his fictions. He has focused on the contemporary issues of middle class family in his fictional works. All of the chief protagonists of his works are sensitive youth and they do not compromise with the prevalent situations of society. Most of the characters are like caricatures that represent one or the other vice or virtue of the contemporary Indian society. The author has a mastery to convince the reader about the prevalent condition of society so that one can easily reproduce in mind, a clear cut image of contemporary Indian society. The present article is a sincere endeavor to present the detailed literary analysis of the select fictions of Chetan Bhagat keeping in mind how the contemporary Indian society has been replicated in the fictions.


Author(s):  
Harith Qahtan Abdullah

Our Islamic world passes a critical period representing on factional, racial and sectarian struggle especially in the Middle East, which affects the Islamic identification union. The world passes a new era of civilization formation, and what these a new formation which affects to the Islamic civilization especially in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon. The sectarian struggle led to heavy sectarian alliances from Arab Gulf states and Turkey from one side and Iran states and its alliances in the other side. The Sunni and Shia struggle are weaken the World Islamic civilization and it is competitive among other world civilization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 528
Author(s):  
Ako Abubakr Jaffar ◽  
Mazen Ismaeel Ghareb ◽  
Karzan Hussein Sharif

The Retailers all over the world are prospering from the burgeoning trend of online shopping. Kurdistan Regional Government is still struggling to grow its e-commerce markets. On the other hands e-commerce in Various countries in the Middle East have some of the world’s highest internet and mobile penetration rates. Alternative payments methods are quickly expanding, and having access to some of the world’s most coveted natural resources that allows countries in their region to have some of the highest GDP in the world. There are several challenges prevalent in the KRG Region market that will require international merchants to develop strategies based on innovation and vigilance. This unique region is plagued with complications many other countries have little to no experience with e-commerce, which highlights the need for retailers to have a deep understanding as to how this region operates before they can begin finding solutions. One of the biggest concerns today's consumers have is the risk of fraud when they are shopping online. With highly sophisticated malware and perceptive cybercriminals, customers' card and bank information can easily be stolen if a merchant does not take the proper security measures. In this paper we summarize all challenges need to be addressed in KRG in order to make correct steps to apply e-commerce in KRG. Finally, the recommendations and framework are proposed for e-commerce to encourage government, organizations, and people to take advantages from e-commerce.


Author(s):  
J. C. D. Clark

Paine showed throughout his career a historically well-informed awareness of the shortcomings of English monarchs after 1688 and 1714, whom he regarded as usurpers: it was a practical critique that fed his antipathy to monarchy in general. Rather than republicanism, this chapter establishes Paine’s personal links with the ‘Patriot’ opposition to Sir Robert Walpole’s ministry, a movement that had a religiously freethinking element and drew on reconfigured Jacobitism. By contrast, Paine employed none of the other political languages available to him. Instead, Paine spoke a language of anti-Jacobitism; this chapter explores how many of his contemporaries trod a path ‘from Jacobite to Jacobin’. Nor were these old world preoccupations only; this chapter shows how they were shared in the American colonies.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document