Turkey’s Legislative Reforms to Address Violence Against Women, and the EU: Uphill Struggles, Hard-Won Achievements and a Promising Ally

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-180
Author(s):  
Burcu Özdemir Sarıgil
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Legislative Reforms ◽  
The Eu

Attitudes Toward Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in the European Union: A Systematic Review

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Gracia ◽  
Marisol Lila ◽  
Faraj A. Santirso
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Intimate Partner Violence ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Partner Violence ◽  
Public Health Problem ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
Cochrane Library ◽  
Effective Prevention ◽  
Partner Violence Against Women ◽  
The Eu

Abstract. Attitudes toward intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) are increasingly recognized as central to understanding of this major social and public health problem, and guide the development of more effective prevention efforts. However, to date this area of research is underdeveloped in western societies, and in particular in the EU. The present study aims to provide a systematic review of quantitative studies addressing attitudes toward IPVAW conducted in the EU. The review was conducted through Web of Science, PsychINFO, Medline, EMBASE, PUBMED, and the Cochrane Library, in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analyses (PRISMA) recommendations. This review aimed to identify empirical studies conducted in the EU, published in English in peer-reviewed journals from 2000 to 2018, and analyzing attitudes toward IPVAW. A total of 62 of 176 eligible articles were selected according to inclusion criteria. Four sets of attitudes toward IPVAW were identified as the main focus of the studies: legitimation, acceptability, attitudes toward intervention, and perceived severity. Four main research themes regarding attitudes toward IPVAW emerged: correlates of attitudes, attitudes as predictors, validation of scales, and attitude change interventions. Although interest in this research area has been growing in recent years, the systematic review revealed important gaps in current knowledge on attitudes toward IPVAW in the EU that limits its potential to inform public policy. The review outlines directions for future study and suggests that to better inform policy making, these future research efforts would benefit from an EU-level perspective.

scholarly journals The European Union and Violence Against Women: Fundamental Rights and Con Games

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
R Amy Elman ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Genital Mutilation ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
Human Rights Violation ◽  
Istanbul Convention ◽  
Female Genital ◽  
The Eu

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.

scholarly journals On the Bride’s side? Victims of domestic violence and their residence rights under EU and Council of Europe Law

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-335
Author(s):  
Vladislava Stoyanova
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Women Victims ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Migrant Women ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Abusive Relationship ◽  
Victims Of Violence ◽  
Istanbul Convention ◽  
The Eu

Migrant women victims of domestic violence might face a stark choice between leaving an abusive relationship and tolerating the abuses so that they can preserve their residence rights in the host country. EU law suffers from some major limitations in addressing this situation. In view of the EU ratification of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women (‘the Istanbul Convention’), will the EU be required to take new measures in light of the demands imposed by Article 59 of the Istanbul Convention that addresses the residence rights of migrant women victims of violence? By clarifying these demands and juxtaposing them with the relevant EU law standards, this article shows the divergences and convergences between the two regional European legal orders. It also forwards concrete suggestions as to which EU rules might need to be modified.

scholarly journals Psychological intimate partner violence against women in the European Union: a cross-national invariance study

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Martín-Fernández ◽  
Enrique Gracia ◽  
Marisol Lila
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Intimate Partner Violence ◽  
Measurement Invariance ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Partner Violence ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Partner Violence Against Women ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Cross National

Abstract Background Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is a worldwide public health problem. One of the most frequent forms of this type of violence in western societies is psychological IPVAW. According to the European Union (EU) Fundamental Rights Association (FRA) the prevalence of psychological IPVAW in the EU is 43%. However, the measurement invariance of the measure addressing psychological IPVAW in this survey has not yet been assessed. Methods The aim of this study is to ensure the cross-national comparability of this measure, by evaluating its measurement invariance across the 28 EU countries in a sample of 37,724 women, and to examine how the levels of this type of violence are distributed across the EU. Results Our results showed that the psychological IPVAW measure presented adequate psychometric properties (reliability and validity) in all countries. A latent structure of one factor was supported and scalar invariance was established in all countries. The average levels of psychological IPVAW were higher in countries like Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Sweden compared to the rest of the EU countries. In many of the other countries the levels of this type of violence overlapped. Conclusion Our findings underlined the importance of using appropriate statistical methods to make valid cross-national comparisons in large population surveys.

scholarly journals The European Union and Violence Against Women: Fundamental Rights and Con Games

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
R Amy Elman ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Genital Mutilation ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
Human Rights Violation ◽  
Istanbul Convention ◽  
Female Genital ◽  
The Eu

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.

scholarly journals Reflections on the EU Third Country Regime for Capital Markets in the Shadow of Brexit

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-71
Author(s):  
Niamh Moloney
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Capital Market ◽  
Financial Services ◽  
Market Access ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Direct Application ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Legislative Reforms ◽  
The Eu

This article considers the recent evolution of the EU’s third country regime for capital market access in light of Brexit, the important series of legislative reforms adopted in March 2019 as the 2014-2019 European Parliament/Commission term closed, and the emergence of the European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) as a material technocratic influence. The article suggests that while the capital market third country regime is changing (with Brexit a key but not exclusive driver of change), it is not being radically recast, although it is tightening. The regime remains broadly based on the more-or-less liberal ‘deference’ model which has long characterised EU third-country financial services policy. But it is becoming increasingly ‘on-shored’ by means of the direct application of EU rules and by ESMA’s oversight/supervision of certain third country actors. The significantly more restrictive approach being taken to third country central clearing counterparties is a marked development, but here the political and economic context is distinct. The implications of the overall shift towards a more ‘on-shore’, centralised, and potentially restrictive access regime are considered, and a modest reform prescription is offered.

Conservative line will delay Turks' gender progress

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Lgbt Individuals

Significance He claimed Turkey had implemented many reforms to improve women's situation, but he and those around him have adopted an increasingly conservative discourse on women and been accused of hate speech against LGBT+ individuals. Turkey displays high levels of gender inequality, discrimination, intolerance and gender-based violence, especially by European standards. Impacts AKP’s discourse will make it the natural pole for that part of society that will remain very conservative for the foreseeable future. Oppositionists will continue criticising the government over violence against women in particular. Turkey will have an image problem and difficult relations with the EU and others, with even Saudi Arabia moving to improve women’s status. Women’s emancipation is set to continue, however slowly, despite few economic opportunities and COVID-19 increasing their domestic burdens. Turkey is likely to mirror gradually increasing global tolerance towards LGBT+ individuals.

scholarly journals COMBATTING OR ENABLING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE? EVALUATING THE RESIDENCE RIGHTS OF MIGRANT VICTIMS OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN EUROPE

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 1013-1034
Author(s):  
Catherine Briddick
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Home Department ◽  
Istanbul Convention ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe treatment of third-country nationals (TCNs) under EU law falls far short of the EU's commitments to eliminate gender inequality and to ‘combat all kinds of domestic violence’. Not only does Article 13(2)(c) of the EU Citizens’ Directive, as interpreted by the CJEU in Secretary of State for the Home Department v NA, fail to ‘safeguard’ the rights of TCNs, it may also enable domestic violence. When presented with an opportunity to remedy its disadvantageous treatment of TCNs by fully ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combatting Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (the Istanbul Convention), the Council of the EU chose instead to pursue a selective and partial ratification which leaves TCN victims without recourse to the very provisions designed to assist them. The European Parliament stated that it ‘regrets’ this approach, recommending instead ‘a broad EU accession … without any limitations’. This article's analysis of the EU Citizens’ Directive and Istanbul Convention supports this recommendation.

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