Political Economy of Fossil Fuel Exit

Author(s):  
Augustine Sadiq Okoh
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Nuva Nuva ◽  
Akhmad Fauzi ◽  
Arya Hadi Dharmawan ◽  
Eka Intan Kumala Putri

The transition of fossil fuel to non-fossil fuels (biodiesel fuel for diesel blending) has continued to evolve. The largest source of biodiesel’ raw materials in Indonesia derives from oil palm. Biodiesel development is also believed to generate benefit for society as well as for regional and national, including job creation, infrastructure improvement, revenue generation for governments and reduce national dependence on fossil fuels, and minimize adverse environmental fossil fuel impacts. However, despite its targets and strengthened by various comprehensive policies, the development of biodiesel in Indonesia also faces significant barriers. Descriptive analysis used in this study to understand the political economy of biodiesel engagement. The limited domestic market, mainly related to the issue of non-competitive prices with diesel, relatively low of oil prices, and high prices of fresh fruit bunches (FFB) are the constraints in the production of biodiesel for domestic uptake. The national political aspect related to the use of biodiesel by government parties, including non-PSOs, becomes an important issue in ensuring the sustainability of biodiesel. In addition, the issue of sustainability in the upstream (oil palm plantation) and dumping issues expressed by the EU and the US Government are also the main problems in Indonesian biodiesel export.


Author(s):  
Melanie Stroebel

There is little doubt that emissions from tourism must be reduced. A low carbon transition tends to be debated within the existing growth-centred and fossil fuel-driven political economy; this offers potentials but also sets limitations. The role of businesses in climate change is complex. From a political economy perspective, businesses are crucial actors in reducing emissions, simply through their decisions around products and operations. Yet a political economy approach also sees governance and business as interlinked. Businesses can influence governance, though they do not shape rules and norms in isolation. They are influenced by the dynamic regulatory, discursive, technological, and productive environment, in which they operate. This case study provides evidence from tour operators, which are addressing emissions from their products and operations, but also demonstrates that the context in which tourism businesses operate sets limitations to how much change may be implemented. The chapter argues that debates around a low carbon transition for tourism need to take into consideration the complexity of corporate, economic, environmental, political, and consumer interests and their links and interactions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110405
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

Climate activists have recently engaged in widely publicized acts of politically motivated lawbreaking. This article identifies and critically analyzes two seemingly overlapping but in fact diverging approaches among present-day activists. Though their illegal acts (e.g., blockades, occupations, and selective property damage) sometimes appear equivalent, the rival approaches place them in contrasting lights; the resulting differences are normatively and politically consequential. The first and now predominant approach favors nonviolent civil disobedience, understood in conventional terms as civil, conscientious, nonviolent, public lawbreaking. Though this approach exhibits many strengths, its proponents sometimes rely on problematic usages of recent political science scholarship that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. The second approach views nonviolent civil disobedience as insufficiently militant and instead aims primarily to block and disrupt our fossil fuel-driven political economy. Its preferred mode of political illegality is sabotage. Less concerned than the first approach with altering public opinion, it generally writes off the prospect of meaningful political reform. Though both approaches rely on the idea of a “climate emergency” to justify their activities, the second approach provides a vivid warning of its possible dangers. Although the momentous threats posed by global warming are undeniable, the idea of a climate emergency risks opening the door to political avant-gardism and, potentially, authoritarianism.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (17) ◽  
pp. 4304
Author(s):  
Samuel Alexander ◽  
Joshua Floyd

This paper reviews and analyses a decarbonization policy called the Tradable Energy Quotas (TEQs) system developed by David Fleming. The TEQs system involves rationing fossil fuel energy use for a nation on the basis of either a contracting carbon emission budget or scarce fuel availability, or both simultaneously, distributing budgets equitably amongst energy-users. Entitlements can be traded to incentivize demand reduction and to maximize efficient use of the limited entitlements. We situate this analysis in the context of Joseph Tainter’s theory about the development and collapse of complex societies. Tainter argues that societies become more socio-politically and technologically ‘complex’ as they solve the problems they face and that such complexification drives increased energy use. For a society to sustain itself, therefore, it must secure the energy needed to solve the range of societal problems that emerge. However, what if, as a result of deep decarbonization, there is less energy available in the future not more? We argue that TEQs offers a practical means of managing energy descent futures. The policy can facilitate controlled reduction of socio-political complexity via processes of ‘voluntary simplification’ (the result being ‘degrowth’ or controlled contraction at the scale of the physical economy).


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