“Political disobedience and the climate emergency”

2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110405
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

Climate activists have recently engaged in widely publicized acts of politically motivated lawbreaking. This article identifies and critically analyzes two seemingly overlapping but in fact diverging approaches among present-day activists. Though their illegal acts (e.g., blockades, occupations, and selective property damage) sometimes appear equivalent, the rival approaches place them in contrasting lights; the resulting differences are normatively and politically consequential. The first and now predominant approach favors nonviolent civil disobedience, understood in conventional terms as civil, conscientious, nonviolent, public lawbreaking. Though this approach exhibits many strengths, its proponents sometimes rely on problematic usages of recent political science scholarship that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. The second approach views nonviolent civil disobedience as insufficiently militant and instead aims primarily to block and disrupt our fossil fuel-driven political economy. Its preferred mode of political illegality is sabotage. Less concerned than the first approach with altering public opinion, it generally writes off the prospect of meaningful political reform. Though both approaches rely on the idea of a “climate emergency” to justify their activities, the second approach provides a vivid warning of its possible dangers. Although the momentous threats posed by global warming are undeniable, the idea of a climate emergency risks opening the door to political avant-gardism and, potentially, authoritarianism.

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Waddell

Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor


2020 ◽  
pp. 337-352
Author(s):  
Tolganay V. Mustafina-Kulchmanova ◽  
Zhabayhan M. Abdildin ◽  
Kudaibergen A. Temirgaliev ◽  
Kuralay S. Yermagambetova ◽  
Manifa S. Sarkulova

This article addresses the issues of the genesis of non-violence and the practical application of non-violent practices in the context of modern realities. The phe-nomenon of non-violence is seen in close connection with violence, which is more often reflected in the form of wars, military clashes, and conflicts. The article pro-vides an analysis of the use of non-violent practices and the possibility of develop-ing peacekeeping in public opinion and behavior. During the preparation of this article, a review and comparative study of various literature aimed at studying non-violence were carried out. Together with the philosophical works, various ma-terials of a political science character are studied. In preparing this work, they were used as general theoretical methods, such as analysis and synthesis. At the same time, analogies, systematization, etc. were used. The materials of the article sug-gest practical significance for university teachers of humanitarian/philosophical specialties.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Livesey

AbstractWilliam Pitt's 1785 proposal for a free trade area between Britain and Ireland attempted to use free trade as a mechanism of imperial integration. It was a response to the agitation for political reform in Ireland and followed the attainment of legislative independence in 1782. The proposal aimed at coordinating economic and fiscal policy between the kingdoms without imposing explicit political controls. This article establishes that the measure failed because of the lack of consensus around the idea of free trade. Three contrasting ideas of free trade became apparent in the debates around the propositions of 1785: imperial or neomercantilist free trade, Smithean free trade, and national or neo-Machiavellian free trade. Imperial free trade was critical of monopolies but sought to organize trade to the benefit of the imperial metropole; Smithean free trade saw open markets as a discipline that assured efficiency but required imperial institutional frameworks, legally secured, to function. Neo-Machiavellian free trade asserted the right of every political community to organize its trade according to its interests. The article establishes the genealogy of these three positions in pamphlet debates and political correspondence in Britain and Ireland from 1689 to 1785. It argues that majority political opinion in Ireland, with exceptions, understood free trade in a neo-Machiavellian sense, while Pitt was committed to a Smithean ideal. The propositions collapsed because these internal tensions became more evident under the pressure of criticism. Liberal political economy did not of itself offer a route to a British exceptionality that finessed the tensions inherent in empire.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Nuva Nuva ◽  
Akhmad Fauzi ◽  
Arya Hadi Dharmawan ◽  
Eka Intan Kumala Putri

The transition of fossil fuel to non-fossil fuels (biodiesel fuel for diesel blending) has continued to evolve. The largest source of biodiesel’ raw materials in Indonesia derives from oil palm. Biodiesel development is also believed to generate benefit for society as well as for regional and national, including job creation, infrastructure improvement, revenue generation for governments and reduce national dependence on fossil fuels, and minimize adverse environmental fossil fuel impacts. However, despite its targets and strengthened by various comprehensive policies, the development of biodiesel in Indonesia also faces significant barriers. Descriptive analysis used in this study to understand the political economy of biodiesel engagement. The limited domestic market, mainly related to the issue of non-competitive prices with diesel, relatively low of oil prices, and high prices of fresh fruit bunches (FFB) are the constraints in the production of biodiesel for domestic uptake. The national political aspect related to the use of biodiesel by government parties, including non-PSOs, becomes an important issue in ensuring the sustainability of biodiesel. In addition, the issue of sustainability in the upstream (oil palm plantation) and dumping issues expressed by the EU and the US Government are also the main problems in Indonesian biodiesel export.


Problemos ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvydas Jokubaitis

Straipsnis skirtas šiuolaikinės politinės filosofijos nuošalyje likusiai sąmokslo problemai. Sąmokslas yra didelis iššūkis pozityvistinei mokslo sampratai. Karlo R. Popperio sąmokslo teorijos kritika prieštarauja pagrindinėms šio autoriaus metodologinėms nuostatoms. Popperio požiūris į sąmokslo teoriją gali būti apibūdintas kaip nenuoseklus ir vienpusiškas. Sąmokslas yra didelis iššūkis liberalizmo politinei filosofijai. Daugelis autorių mano, kad sąmokslas yra mažai reikšmingas liberalios visuomenės gyvenimo elementas. Tai menkai pagrįstas požiūris. Net pačioje liberaliausioje visuomenėje veikia daugybė slaptų susitarimų, viešai nematomų politinio gyvenimo subjektų ir manipuliacijų viešąja nuomone. Kai kurie dabartinių liberalių visuomenių politinio gyvenimo reiškiniai verčia naujai pažvelgti į sąmokslo fenomeną.Reikšminiai žodžiai: sąmokslas, sąmokslo teorija, pozityvizmas, liberalizmas. CONSPIRACY AS A PROBLEM OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND LIBERAL SOCIETYAlvydas Jokubaitis Summary The article discusses the concept of political conspiracy. This concept is a great challenge to a positivistic understanding of political science. The criticism of conspiracy theory proposed by Karl Popper contradicts the main methodological ideas maintained by the author. His view on conspiracy theory may be described as incoherent and one-sided. Conspiracy is an ambitious challenge to contemporary liberal political philosophy. It is widely asserted that conspiracy is an insignificant element in the political life of a liberal society. This view is hardly substantiated. Even in the most liberal society there are a lot of clandestine agreements, undercover subjects of political life and manipulations of public opinion. Many phenomena of contemporary liberal society encourage us to regard conspiracy from a different perspective.Keywords: conspiracy, conspiracy theory, positivism, liberalism.


Author(s):  
Etel Solingen

The explosion of research on regional economic institutions (REI) over the last two decades has led to a richer understanding of why they emerge, what form they take, and what effects they have. This chapter argues that research on REI is not a monopoly of any particular theoretical, methodological, or epistemological approach. Ongoing work leans not merely on standard political science and economics but on sociology, psychology, and critical theory. Yet, REI studies cluster in silos more often than barns, although this chapter highlights some research programs with potential for fostering barns. Exclusive attention to power, economic efficiency, transaction costs, and transnational normative diffusion—the common analytical currency in standard accounts of REI—may conceal deeper domestic drivers underlying REI dynamics.


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