“America First” Finished Second: Foreign Policy in the 2020 Presidential Campaign

2022 ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Paul S. Adams
Author(s):  
Duygu Dersan Orhan

Through the development of technology, the understanding of traditional foreign policy has changed. Foreign policy making, which was shaped by diplomatic correspondence, visits, agreements, and notes between countries, is carried out today via messages sent over the Internet. Twitter is the most frequently used internet tool in the hands of institutions, decision makers, and leaders in foreign policy making. US President Donald J. Trump is one of the leaders who use Twitter most effectively. Twitter was the center of Trump's messages, both during the presidential campaign and after his election. Trump is not just using Twitter as a platform for meeting his supporters and announcing the country's official policies. Twitter has also been an important way for Trump to challenge and send harsh messages to certain countries, companies, and individuals. Iran is one of the countries that Trump targets through Twitter. This study aims to examine the use of Twitter as a platform in foreign policy making by using content analysis method through Trump's tweets about Iran.


2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 176-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Techau

Foreign policy issues did not play a decisive role in the German general election campaign of 2009. While Chancellor Angela Merkel conducted a decidedly presidential campaign, her main rival, SPD Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, found it difficult to break out of his role as Merkel's partner in the Grand Coalition the two had led for four years. This was especially true with respect to issues on foreign policy, where both candidates had cooperated rather smoothly. Neither the issue of Afghanistan (despite the hotly debated Kunduz airstrike), nor the unresolved issues of the future of the European Union's Lisbon Treaty could antagonize the main political protagonists in Germany. The overwhelming foreign policy consensus among the mainstream political forces remained intact. Nevertheless, the changing international landscape and increased German responsibilities abroad will turn foreign policy into a relevant campaign issue, probably as early as 2013, when, presumably, the next Bundestag elections will be held.


Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonny Hall

This article asks how Donald Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric during his presidential campaign and presidency has affected US foreign policy in the area of overseas counterterrorism campaigns. Looking at two case studies – the May 2017 Arab Islamic American Summit and the US role in the counter Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) campaign, it is argued that Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has failed to accurately describe or legitimate his administration’s counterterrorism strategy, as per the conventional wisdom. Instead, Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has largely been aimed at creating a sense of crisis (as populism requires) to mobilise his domestic base. In making this argument about the purpose of Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric, not only does the article contribute a new perspective to the extant literature on elections, rhetoric, and US foreign policy, but also to the burgeoning scholarship on governing populists and their foreign policies. Although these findings could be unique to Trump, the article’s novel framework – combining International Relations and populism scholarship to elaborate on how the foreign arena can be used to generate a state of perpetual crisis – can hopefully be applied in other contexts.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Moss

This chapter traces the development of the Nixon administration’s foreign policy structure, early back-channel overtures to the Soviets, the evolution of bureaucratic rivalries within the administration, and the early development of the Channel between Kissinger and Dobrynin. In a vicious and destructive cycle, leaks by officials of highly classified documents deepened Nixon’s longtime hatred of the press, exacerbated his fears, and reaffirmed the use of back channels to shelter sensitive negotiations. Before his narrow victory in the November 1968 election, Nixon used two back channels to message the Soviets. The first overture and the closest precedent to the Kissinger-Dobrynin channel developed during the presidential campaign and went active immediately after the election, when Nixon dispatched his longtime aide and personal friend Robert Ellsworth to make contact with Ambassador Dobrynin and Soviet chargé d’affaires Yuri Tcherniakov. The second channel, between Kissinger and a KGB intelligence officer, Boris Sedov, functioned informally during the presidential campaign and petered out shortly after Nixon’s inauguration.


Author(s):  
James F. Goode

This chapter opens with the 1976 presidential campaign. Each candidate made efforts to attract Greek Americans’ support, but Carter criticized Ford’s handling of Cyprus, promising to do more for the island, and won them over. Vice President Mondale played a major role in formulating foreign policy and also served as liaison with his former colleagues in Congress. The new administration had to decide quickly how to deal with Cyprus. The US-Turkey Defense Cooperation Agreement that Ford had submitted to Congress caused some awkwardness for the Democrats. The new president sent senior statesman Clark Clifford to the eastern Mediterranean to gather information. Following Clifford’s report, the administration seemed ready to pursue a bizonal solution on the island, which Archbishop Makarios was willing to accept. With Makarios’s unexpected death and Turkey’s continuing resistance to US pressure, however, the White House paid less attention to the island, turning its attention to other regional troubles.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-95
Author(s):  
Henri Ménudier

In the two electoral campaigns held in France in the spring of 1981, parties and their candidates gave only limited importance to foreign policy. They showed some interest during the presidential campaign but very little during the legislative elections. This relative silence can be explained by the fact that the French are in rather wide-spread agreement as to the over-all orientation of foreign policy as defined in the 1960s by General de Gaulle and as adapted subsequently by his successors. Clearly, economic and social questions dominated the electoral discussions. Valery Giscard d'Estaing defended his seven-year record; his opponents in the outgoing majority and on the left sharply contested it. Without abandoning a critical position, François Mitterand tried to reassure the French by showing them that his coming to power would not upset the foundations of foreign policy and that changes would be more important in other areas. A thematic study of arguments used during the electoral campaign shows that Valery Giscard d'Estaing's opponents forcefully reproached his overall conception of foreign policy defined by "globalism" and his attitute toward the USSR following the invasion of Afghanistan. The meeting between the French president and Leonid Brejnev in Warsaw was at the heart of the polemic. Even if weak arguments were used in other areas of foreign policy, international problems did in the end play a significant role in challenging the credibility of the outgoing president. Foreign policy became a tool used for electoral purposes. The electoral campaign was characterized as well by the involvement of pressure groups, notably Jewish organizations discontent with French policy toward the Middle East and by the active support of the Socialist International in favor of François Mitterand. On the whole, the electoral campaign emphasized continuity more than change. It is useful to be aware of these positions in order to understand France s foreign activities under its socialist regime.


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