defense cooperation
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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
Dr Sumanta Bhattacharya ◽  
Bhavneet Kaur Sachdev

Indian Diaspora has never been acknowledged and been neglected in India’s cultural diplomacy for long period of time but their contribution and immense leverage in local communities and government has been recognised in recent years and the Indian Government has taken some measures to link with the diaspora and make them partners in India’s growth and part of International relation. Diaspora Diplomacy plays a crucial role in the foreign policy and in increase economic, political and defense cooperation between different countries. Indian communities are spread across the global in 6 continents and 125 countries, Indian Diaspora is categorized into old, new and gulf Diaspora according to their labour characteristics. The success of Indian entrepreneurs, scientist, academics, media personalities, filmmakers, IT professionals, CEOs in the US has created trust in India’s intellectual abilities abroad. It has been a major source in branding India as a source of well-educated and hard working professionals. Ethnic Indians particularly in New Diaspora countries have become known for their economic, professional academic, scientific and artistic successes and general peaceful integration. The government of India has taken many initiatives for their betterment and organize various programmes for being the India Diaspora close to their host country and also to resolve the issues and challenges faced by the government from the Indian Diaspora.


WIMAYA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Thaingi Khin Htwe

Prime Minister Abe officially introduced the FOIP in 2016 at the TICAD VI in Kenya aiming to preserve the RBO against increasing challenges to the vital interests of Japan. Because of Myanmar's geostrategic location, democratization, and rich natural resources, Myanmar became an important country in fostering Japan's FOIP. In this context, this paper aims to examine Japan’s foreign policy towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. This paper is mainly focused on Japan’s balancing strategy in Indo-Pacific, the significance of Myanmar in Japan’s FOIP, and the foreign policy tools of Japan in Myanmar. The paper finds that Japan rapproach Myanmar by using significant 3Ds (diplomatic engagement, defense cooperation, and development assistance) in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. Japan’s foreign policy readjustment towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era can be interpreted as one of Japan’s limited hard balancing strategies against China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-41
Author(s):  
Justyna Lipińska

The ongoing cooperation between the United States and Poland on ballistic missile defense has been centered for a long time solely around the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. Although the complex is going to operate as an element of the NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense System, its origins were tied to bilateral security and defense cooperation between the U.S. and Poland. As the presence of the U.S. military forces in Poland will remain crucial for Polish security and defense, and the societal support will be vital for its sustainment, it is worth exploring how Polish society reacted to concepts and plans for fielding the U.S. missile defense complex several years ago. The aim of this article was to explore the evolution of societal support and public opinion in Poland related to the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. The following research problem was posed: how has Polish public opinion about the missile defense complex construction changed over time? The research relied on methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and the primary research technique was the analysis of public opinion polls in Poland between 2004 and 2019. Public opinion has remained interested in the developments related to hosting the U.S. missile defense complex in Poland since early negotiations to the project implementation phase. The project was seen in a broader context of security and defense cooperation with the U.S. and within the NATO.


Author(s):  
KARTHIK NACHIAPPAN

This paper surveys India–ASEAN relations since the late 1990s amid the ongoing quest for a new regional compact in a post-pandemic era to advance India’s growing security and economic interests in Southeast Asia. During the cold war, India preferred to engage bilaterally with Southeast Asian countries than engage ASEAN directly. This tack shifted after 2000 as new security challenges arrived, particularly the need to secure the Indian Ocean. India’s overtures with ASEAN and ASEAN states grew alongside defense cooperation, which are now being renewed and renegotiated under the “Indo-Pacific” rubric despite differences over how India and ASEAN states regard the concept. Economic liberalization changed India’s calculus in the 1980s, which led to a series of overtures to economically tether India to the ASEAN. India–ASEAN trade grew dramatically over the last decade but fears abound over whether India’s rejection of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement will reverse its economic footprint in Southeast Asia. Given both security and economic differences between India and the ASEAN, opportunities exist in joining to address shared transnational challenges like cybersecurity and counterterrorism.


Author(s):  
Joshua Alley

Abstract How does alliance participation affect military spending? Some argue that alliance membership increases military expenditures, while others contend that it produces spending cuts. I argue that deep formal defense cooperation modifies the impact of alliance participation on military expenditures and can explain increases and decreases in spending by small alliance members. Security-seeking junior members of deep alliances usually decrease military spending because these treaties are more credible. Joining shallow alliances often increases junior alliance member military spending, however. I test the argument by creating a latent measure of alliance treaty depth and using it to predict differences in how alliance participation affects military spending. The research design generates new empirical evidence linking alliance participation and percentage changes in state military spending from 1919 to 2007. I find that deeper alliance treaties tend to decrease military spending by junior alliance members, and shallow alliances often increase military spending. These results help scholars and policymakers better understand a central question about alliance politics that has been debated in scholarship for decades.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoe Stanley-Lockman ◽  

The Department of Defense can already begin applying its existing international science and technology agreements, global scientific networks, and role in multilateral institutions to stimulate digital defense cooperation. This issue brief frames this collection of options as a military AI cooperation toolbox, finding that the available tools offer valuable pathways to align policies, advance research, development, and testing, and to connect personnel–albeit in more structured ways in the Euro-Atlantic than in the Indo-Pacific.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (36) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Dagmar Nováková

The paper is focused on the perspective of the common European army. There are several visions about the common European army in the speeches of the highest political representatives of Germany, France, and European Commission. The term European army can be understood in broader or narrower sense. Author proposes theoretical models of the common European army with their possible limitations and opportunities to prove successful. - the European Rapid Reaction Force, the European Battlegroups, single European intergovernmental army. These models differ according to the intensity of defense cooperation and integration of the Member States. The paper is aimed at the individual aspects of the supranational model of the common European army. The role of such common European army is significant in several areas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung

This research aims to elaborate further on Indonesia and Russia bilateral cooperation by utilizing defense relations in the Southeast Asia region. Indonesia’s defense cooperation with Russia is a strategy of sustaining foreign and defense policy instruments abroad to achieve interests and protect national sovereignty. This study uses a descriptive analysis of qualitative approach, and done through literature-based relating to the problems that arise. Additionally, journals, related documents, and websources are also used as supporting data. It employs neorealism approach in understanding bilateral defense relations. Thus, by strengthening Indonesian defense diplomacy, how Indonesia national interests is able to pursue closer defense cooperation with Russia, and how this collaborationcontributes to Indonesian defense diplomacy regionally in encountering external threat. However, through the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting and the ASEAN Regional Forum, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy utilized strategy which aim to generating mutual confidence, and reducing potential threats that can arise from the external threat. Indonesia, so far, has utilized its defense diplomacy by intensifying defense cooperation with Russia to foster a sense of mutual trust and enhancement effort in national defense capabilities to anticipate any potential external security threats. Indonesia’s effort to enhance its regional power reputation for implementing foreign and defense policy at the international level, particularly at upgrading its national defense system. This research revealed that by strengthening economic cooperation and defense diplomacy, Indonesia would secure its defense cooperation with Russia and vice versa. As the most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, 3rd world largest democraciesand significant regional power, intentionally has a strategic interest in maintaining peace and stability.


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