Genres and Institutions: Functional Perspectives on Educational Discourse

2017 ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Frances Christie
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 396-411
Author(s):  
Petrônio José Domingues

This article investigates the trajectory of the Grêmio Dramático, Recreativo e Literário Elite da Liberdade (the Liberdade Elite Guild of Drama, Recreation, and Literature), a black club active in São Paulo, Brazil, from 1919 to 1927. The aim is to reconstruct aspects of the club’s history in light of its educational discourse on civility, which was used as a strategy to promote modern virtues in the black milieu. By appropriating the precepts of civility, Elite da Liberdade helped construct a positive black identity, enabled the creation of bonds of solidarity among its members, and made itself a place of resistance and struggle for social inclusion, recognition, and citizens’ rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-85
Author(s):  
Борис Пеньков ◽  
Boris Pen'kov ◽  
Светлана Васильева ◽  
Svetlana Vasil'eva

Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This chapter outlines the exceptional composition of the landmark Kothari Commission, and its blend of idealism and realism. It offers a succinct account of the recommendations of the Kothari Commission, and the ferocious opposition to its recommendations regarding elementary and higher education, language policy, and the establishment of world class universities. It presents a candid critique of its recommendation that has become a hardy perennial of Indian educational discourse, namely that Government allocate at least 6 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to education. It gives a crisp account of Independent India’s first National Policy on Education (1968). It also outlines the Constitutional Amendment of 1978 which made education a ‘concurrent subject’, and the educational initiatives of the short lived Janata Government (1976–8), India’s first non-Congress Party Central Government. It also outlines the key role played by J.P Naik in the Kothari Commission and Janata Government and evolution of his thinking.


2001 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Reese

By the dawn of the twentieth century, a new way of thinking about the nature of the child, classroom methods, and the purposes of the school increasingly dominated educational discourse. Something loosely called progressive education, especially its more child-centered aspects, became part of a larger revolt against the formalism of the schools and an assault on tradition. Our finest scholars, such as Lawrence A. Cremin, in his magisterial study of progressivism forty years ago, have tried to explain the origins and meaning of this movement. One should be humbled by their achievements and by the magnitude of the subject. Variously defined, progressivism continues to find its champions and critics, the latter occasionally blaming it for low economic productivity, immorality among the young, and the decline of academic standards. In the popular press, John Dewey's name is often invoked as the evil genius behind the movement, even though he criticized sugar-coated education and letting children do as they please. While scholars doubt whether any unified, coherent movement called progressivism ever existed, its offspring, progressive education, apparently did exist, wreaking havoc on the schools.


2011 ◽  
Vol 113 (9) ◽  
pp. 2047-2079 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony L. Brown

Background/Context Over the last three decades, considerable attention has been given to the social and educational conditions of Black males. Such observations have led to the accusation that Black males are “in crisis.” Although such pronouncements call national attention to the needs of Black males, these discourses have helped to normalize and fasten in place an unchanging and reworked narrative for discussing or addressing the conditions of Black males. The intent of this article is to show how, for numerous decades, both the findings and theories used to make sense of Black males within the social science and education literature have helped to produce a common-sense narrative about all Black males. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The purpose of this article is to trouble historical and contemporary beliefs about Black males and to help prompt new theories, research, and interventions that account for the complex needs of Black males’ lives. This article historically documents the social science and educational literature about Black males from the 1930s to the present. Two interrelated questions guided this analysis: (1) What are the common and recycled discourses employed within and across historical periods to make sense of the social and educational conditions of Black males? (2) To what extent and in what ways have these discourses closed off the kinds of questions one can ask in the present to address the social and educational conditions of Black males? This article concludes with a discussion of how researchers and educators can begin to ask new questions about Black males that explore the complexities of Black males’ lives, while also challenging the same old stories that pervade educational discourse. Research Design Historicizing of knowledge was the method used in this project. Historicizing of knowledge as a method of analysis examines how trajectories of the past help to shape how “ideas and events of the present are constructed,” in the words of Thomas Popkewitz. Employing this historical approach, this study focused on the visibility and presentation of theories and explanations about Black males, both adults and youth, in social science and educational literature over subsequent decades—(a) 1930s—1950s, (b) 1960s—1970s, and (c) 1980s to the present—to assess their durability and how they were changed (i.e., nuanced), if at all, over time. Findings/Results The findings from this analysis illustrate that the populational reasoning of Black males has been framed around four recursive conceptual narratives—absent and wandering, impotent and powerless, soulful and adaptive, and endangered and in crisis—from the 1930s to the present. Conclusions/Recommendations What these findings illustrate is the necessity for educational theorists and practitioners to ask new questions beyond the populational reasoning that has consumed educational discourse about Black males. The first step is for researchers and practitioners to take notice of whether typical explanations or narratives of deficit and difference guide their questions about Black male achievement, and for researchers and educators to carefully examine the diversity of Black male experiences beyond the dominant tropes of pathology and difference that have persisted within educational discourse.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Teo

This paper focuses on the discursive strategies used by the Singapore government to construct national identity and solidarity on the basis of a ‘clean and green’ environment. By analysing the slogans used in the Clean and Green Week campaign in terms of the use of pronouns and the pragmatic notion of ‘politeness’, the paper shows that the people of Singapore are not only persuaded to ‘buy’ the idea of environmentalism, but also to buy into the ideology of national identity and unity being derived (in part) from the proper management and conservation of Singapore’s scarce resources and limited physical space. The paper concludes with a discussion on how national campaigns such as the Clean and Green Week constitutes a form of political discourse, where public educational discourse becomes a veiled medium through which socio-political ideologies are produced and propagated. With the government treading the fine line between information and manipulation where ‘greening’ a country becomes a scaffolding for building a nation, a study like this offers interesting insights into the interplay between the language of politics and the politics of language.


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