Challenges and Contradictions: Mexico and the US in North American Security Cooperation

Author(s):  
Abelardo Rodríguez Sumano
2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN E. GOLDSMITH

Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fachrie

This research discusses the analysis of Mexican motivation in determining tariffs on the distribution of US products to Mexico. In international law, Mexico and the US build a strong free trade cooperation in the North American Free Trade Zone (NAFTA) agreement. They agreed to implement the agreement that is built in that agreement, particularly for the exemption of tariff inthe distribution of products between two countries. In fact, the US could not complete the tariff exemption agreement in the distribution of Mexican products that has been agreed in NAFTA. It delays the implementation of this agreement by complicating the distribution of goods from Mexico to the US with unilateral regulations. Eventually, this research found that Mexico motivation is to respond US regulations on its products for several years. That US action, particularly the logisticsdistribution cooperation, has caused Mexico experiencing difficulties in gaining profits.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 187-225
Author(s):  
Lori Anne Heckbert

Despite evidence that both gender and ethnically diverse leadership is good for businesses’ bottom line, just one in five senior North American business leaders is female, one in thirty a woman of colour. Little literature exists applying behavioural economics [BE] concepts to explain gender gaps. Yet, as demonstrated by the 2010 UK Conservative-Liberal Democrats coalition government, the Obama government in the US and Trudeau government in Canada, lawmakers, policymakers and business leaders are interested in BE’s persuasive power to influence behaviour. My contribution exploits this interest, builds on the excellent existing scholarship analyzing gender gap concepts from a BE perspective, and fills this gap. Applying concepts of bounded rationality, bounded willpower, bounded self-interest, and the endowment effect to 2017’s North American-focused Women in the Workplace report (Report) published by LeanIn and McKinsey, a vast study examining HR practices and pipeline data of 222 companies employing 12 million+ people and surveying 70,000+ employees’ experiences, I find that hiring and promotion decisions are affected by the three bounds and endowment effect, undercutting businesses’ compelling economic interest in diverse leadership. BE offers solutions to tackle biased behaviour and shows how gender gap scholars’ and the Report’s recommendations can be taken further to close the gender gap in advancement. I argue that normative best practice adoption by business and nudges and tax incentives from governments, ideally in combination, can spur businesses to adopt debiasing behaviours and practices that will contribute to closing the gender gap in advancement. Enabling women to achieve their full leadership and economic potential will enhance women’s wellbeing, improve businesses’ performance, and lead to greater social equity.


Refuge ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Kinga Janik

This article aims at presenting a reflection on the place to be accorded to refugees in the Canadian society, while at the same time being mindful of security considerations. The fear of new terrorist attacks has prompted North American governments to look inwards and has exacerbated negative feelings towards foreigners. This feeling weighs heavily against refugees. The confusion surrounding what categories of people are trying to cross the Canadian border renders even more insecure the fate of refugees who are seeking asylum in Canada through legitimate ways. This article deals mainly with the way certain government initiatives cast a negative light on refugees. More specifically, the author questions the direction taken by the new government that came into power on 12 December 2003, including the setting up of an agency for border services similar to the US Home Security agency.


Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.


Author(s):  
Andy Willis

The 21st century revival in Spanish horror film production has seen both a resurgence of interest in the genre’s Iberian past and an interest in transnational film remakes for North American audiences. This chapter will consider the cultural politics of remaking Spanish horror through two case studies - Quarantine (2008), the US remake of [REC] (2007), and Come Out and Play (2012), the Mexican remake of Who Can Kill a Child? (1976). The chapter argues that Who Can Kill a Child? might profitably be read as an engagement with the legacy of Francoist Spain, and that [REC] could be productively understood in relation to Spain’s recent tensions surrounding immigration. Through a discussion of the potential political readings of these films, the chapter argues that the North American remakes are divested of the most urgent political aspects of their Spanish counterparts in an endeavour to create globally marketable horror films.


1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 751-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel J. Sokolsky

AbstractThe renewal of the Canada-US North American Aerospace Defence (NORAD) agreement in March 1986 will not end the debate on the relationship between NORAD and trends in American strategy, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). This article reviews and explains the various strains of that debate. It points out why some in Canada argue that participation in NORAD will inevitably lead to Canadian involvement in the ballistic missile defence objective of the SDI. It also notes, however, why the military and other observers are concerned that strategic and technological trends in the US may make it difficult for Canada to remain active in North American aerospace defence, and indeed, even to provide for its own air sovereignty.


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