Changing Strategies, Technologies and Organization: The Continuing Debate on NORAD and the Strategic Defense Initiative

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 751-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel J. Sokolsky

AbstractThe renewal of the Canada-US North American Aerospace Defence (NORAD) agreement in March 1986 will not end the debate on the relationship between NORAD and trends in American strategy, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). This article reviews and explains the various strains of that debate. It points out why some in Canada argue that participation in NORAD will inevitably lead to Canadian involvement in the ballistic missile defence objective of the SDI. It also notes, however, why the military and other observers are concerned that strategic and technological trends in the US may make it difficult for Canada to remain active in North American aerospace defence, and indeed, even to provide for its own air sovereignty.

Author(s):  
Devrim Şahin ◽  
Ahmet Sözen

The discovery of energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean region, while providing opportunities, further complicates Turkey-Israeli relationship. If Israel and Turkey can cooperate on energy, they can revitalize their relationship to the extent when the military elites were strong in Turkey and the relationship between two countries was established with the hands of generals. The 2016 Israel-Turkey agreement, which ended years of tension, provides Israel and Turkey with the opportunity to cooperate in energy areas. This collaboration, in turn, could generate the eventual emergence of the new ruling elites that would fill the vacuum created by the decline of the military's role in Turkey. It was the crisis management experience of the US that made the agreement between two countries possible in June 2016. Yet, any normalization process between Israel and Turkey will not be easy. US policy in the Mideast influences Turkey-Israel relations, and Turkey-Israel relations, in turn, affect the future of the Middle East. This obliges the US to bear a tremendous responsibility.


Sexualities ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 776-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Connell

More than five years out from its implementation, we still know relatively little about how members of the US military and its ancillary institutions are responding to the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. Contrary to what one might expect given the long history of LGBTQ antipathy in the military, I found in interviews with Boston area Reserve Officer Training Core (ROTC) cadets unanimous approval for the repeal of DADT. When pressed to explain why there was so much homogeneity of favorable opinion regarding the repeal, interviewees repeatedly offered the same explanation: that Boston, in particular, is such a progressive place that even more conservative institutions like the ROTC are spared anti-gay sentiment. They imagined the Southern and/or rural soldier they will soon encounter when they enter the US military, one who represents the traditionally homophobic attitudes of the old military in contrast to their more enlightened selves. This “metronormative” narrative has been critiqued elsewhere as inadequate for understanding the relationship between sexuality and place; this article contributes to that critique by taking a new approach. Rather than deconstruct narratives of queer rurality, as the majority of metronormativity scholarship has done, I deconstruct these narratives of urban queer liberation. I find that such narratives mask the murkier realities of LGBTQ attitudes in urban contexts and allow residents like the ROTC cadets in this study to displace blame about anti-gay prejudice to a distant Other, outside of their own ranks.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Denise Mackay ◽  
Margie Comrie

War correspondents, long the object of popular fascination, have been the focus of academic study since Phillip Knightley published The First Casualty in 1976. While New Zealand journalists did not cover the second Iraq War in 2003, the furore over the US practice of ‘embedding’ journalists was felt in New Zealand. Drawing on in-depth interviews with seven seasoned defence reporters, this article examines the relationship between the New Zealand Army and journalists during times of conflict.


Author(s):  
Bruce Winders

Usually thought of as a two-year-long conflict between the United States and Mexico, the US–Mexican War (1846–1848) represents the culmination of a much longer struggle over the control of what became the American Southwest. Years before Mexico declared its independence, early citizens of the United States resolved to seize Spain’s North American possessions. Devastated by a decade of revolt, Mexico lacked the unity needed to halt American efforts to acquire land at its expense. The US–Mexican War revealed an important divide among Mexicans over the issue of federalism. In the end, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo defined the modern political boundary between the two nations. Far from bringing peace to either nation, though, the war generated internal strife for both the United States and Mexico. The historic conflict still affects the relationship between the two nations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo Fornari Dall'Agnol

Após a crise da década de 1970, as elites norte-americanas reorganizaram o modo pelo qual extraiam recursos da sociedade. Sob o neoconservadorismo, o Estado de bem-estar social foi desmantelado e recursos foram transferidos para o setor militar. O presente estudo problematiza a estratégia dessas elites que lograram êxito no referido processo. Para tal, conceitua-se o neoconservadorismo e mapeia-se os diferentes grupos de influência que compõem essa força política que, até os dias atuais, permanece decisiva no processo de tomada de decisão em política externa e segurança nos Estados Unidos. Posteriormente, faz-se uma análise do Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) do governo Ronald Reagan como estudo de caso revelador desse modo de extração de recursos. O presente artigo visa a mostrar como as elites neoconservadoras mobilizam a sociedade e seus principais grupos de interesse para triunfar em sua estratégia.ABSTRACTSince the 1970’s crisis, the north-american elites reorganized the way in which they extracted society’s resources. Under neoconservatism, the welfare state was dismantled and resources were transferred to the military. The present paper problematizes the strategy of those elites which were triumphant in the referred process. For that, neoconservatism is conceptualized and the different influence groups that compose this political force are mapped. Neoconservatism is, up to the present, a decisive force in the decision making process of foreign policy and security in the United States. In the sequence, the paper analyzes Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) as a revealing case study of this way of resource extracting. The present study aims at showing how the neoconservative elites mobilizes society and its main interest groups in order to succeed in their strategy. Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos; complexo industrial-militar; neoconservadorismo.Keywords: United States; military-industrial complex; neoconservatism.  Recebido em 23 de Janeiro de 2018 | Received on January 23, 2018Aceito em 18 de Julho de 2018 | Accepted on July 18, 2018DOI


Author(s):  
Terry Young ◽  
Peggy Crawford

The war in Iraq created a division between the United States and some members of the European Union. The war also split the EU, with France and Germany leading the anti-war camp and Britain, Italy, Portugal, and Spain supporting Washington. With organized warfare over, the United States has shifted its attention from the military campaign to the installation of a legitimate and stable government in Iraq. However, the administration of post-war Iraq has caused the division between the US and Europe to widen.The multilateralists, France and Germany, are demanding a central role for the UN in rebuilding Iraq. France, in particular, believes that the task should be left to the UN alone. They suggest this would help legitimize what they consider to be an illegal war. On the other hand, the US, which accepted a great burden with the pre-emptive attack on Iraq, wants the UN to have a vital but limited role in post-war Iraq. The US believes that the UN needs serious repair before any responsibilities can be handed to it.This study examines the economic, political, and security implications of the division between these old allies. The relationship between the US and EU is based on years of cooperation. Both sides know that they must mend fences sooner rather than later. We contend that pragmatism will triumph over geo-politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Wagstaff

What determines military effectiveness? Previous literature has examined factors such as military doctrine, culture, and capabilities, as well as regime type and civil–military relations, but has largely ignored military leadership quality. Competent military leaders positively influence battle outcomes by ensuring proper implementation of battleplans and quick reaction to an increasingly dynamic battlefield. This paper formally models the relationship between high-ranking military commanders and their immediate subordinates to examine the commander’s ability to evaluate her personnel. I vary the ability of the subordinates to signal their commander to determine how different signaling structures influence what commanders may learn. This analysis reveals that commanders opt for less informative signals from subordinates as the military professionalizes, potentially impeding their ability to identify and remove incompetent subordinates. Leaving incompetent subordinates in command reduces the ability of the military to improve. Evidence from the US Army’s leadership decisions after the Battle of Kasserine Pass and Operation Avalanche illustrates these results.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-34
Author(s):  
Andini Anissa

When the Arab Spring swept through the Arab world as far as Syria, Turkey and Russia were not on the same side. Turkey demand a regime change, while Russia supports the regime. The relationship between the two countries was also exacerbated by the downing of the Sukhoi-24 jet which led Russia to impose a number of sanctions on Turkey. However, from 2016 to 2019, the relationship between the two has started to improve. This was marked by various cooperation to end the civil war in Syria. Based on the theory of balance of power, Turkey should balance against Russia because every country always try to prevent one country from dominating. Instead they both cooperate. The military intervention carried out by Russia in Syria in 2015 can be analysed as an attempt to change the global balance of power, while Turkey can be categorized as a regional rising power. This article tries to answer: why Turkey choose to cooperate with Russia in Syria? I argue that the change in the Turkey's foreign policy during the AKP's increasingly harsher against the Kurds. This caused friction with the US, so that Turkey establish strategic relations with Russia to fight Kurdish in Syria.


Author(s):  
Ilan Zvi Baron

Questions arose about what it meant to support a country whose political future the author has no say in as a Diaspora Jew. The questions became all the more pronounced the more I learned about Israel’s history. Many Jews feel the same way, and often are uncomfortable with what such an obligation can mean, in no small part because of concerns over being identified with Israel because of one’s Jewish heritage or because of the overwhelming significance that Israel has come to have for Jewish identity. Israel’s significance is matched by how much is published about Israel. Increasingly, this literature is not only about trying to explain Israel’s wars, the military occupation or other parts of its history, but about the relationship between Diaspora1 Jewry and Israel.


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