The Political and Ethical Significance of Waiting: Heidegger and the Legacy of Thinking

Author(s):  
Felix Ó Murchadha
Author(s):  
Noelia Billi

 A partir del abordaje nietzscheano del lenguaje –que lo arranca de la habitual reducción a instrumento de la conciencia, propia de la modernidad y lo postula como constitutivo de la subjetividad–, se reflexiona acerca de la imaginación lingüística en tanto potencia de insurrección. Operando desde adentro de las lenguas dominantes, ciertos usos literarios evidencian una diversidad de estrategias de resistencia a los intentos de aniquilación de la otredad, característico de las lenguas hegemónicas. Las escrituras de J. Joyce y P. Celan son estudiadas como ejercicios de la imaginación lingüística que, echando mano a recursos diferentes (la proliferación de lo extraño, la sustracción y el silencio), muestran la radical importancia política y ética de la resistencia a través de la escritura. Taking as a starting point the Nietzschean approach to language –one which gets language out of its ordinary, and typically modern, reduction to conscience’s instrument and postulates it as a constituent of Subjectiviy–, this paper examines the Linguistic Imagination as Insurrection Power. Running from the inside of Dominant Languages, certain literary uses make clear a variety of Resistance Strategies to Otherness Annihilation attempts, characteristic feature of hegemonic languages. J. Joyce and P. Celan “Writings” are studied as Linguistic Imagination exercises which, resorting to different resources (proliferation of the Strange, Subtraction and Silence), show the Political as well as Ethical significance of resisting through Writing.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 834-848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Roberts

What role does doubt play in education? This article addresses this question, initially via an examination of Søren Kierkegaard’s Philosophical Fragments. Kierkegaard, through his pseudonym Johannes Climacus, draws attention to the potentially debilitating and destructive effects of doubt on both teachers and learners. The work of Paulo Freire is helpful in responding to the problems posed by Kierkegaard’s account. It is argued that in Freire’s pedagogical theory and practice, doubt has both epistemological and ethical significance. It is linked with other key Freirean virtues such as humility and openness, and it forms part of the process of learning how to question. It is also related, through the Freirean idea of being ‘less certain of one’s certainties’, to the ethical priorities we determine, the political commitments we have, and the actions we take as we negotiate our way in the world.


2021 ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Diego S. Silva

This chapter analyzes the concept of risk that is central to epidemiology, since the study of disease or health of populations necessarily requires assessing and determining the probability of the factors that may increase or decrease the likelihood of disease or health. It argues that the purportedly non-normative understanding of risk in epidemiology fails to capture separate but interrelated points, such as the description of risk assessments. It also discusses the importance of risk to a population for disease p to understand the political or economic values that help create the context that led to the increased risk. The chapter delves into the ethical significance for epidemiologists to help analyze and explain who imposed risk onto whom and in what ways this risk imposition occurred. It cites a normative sense of risk in epidemiology, which appeals to most theories of justice and makes sense of the ethics of causation in either more modest or stronger terms.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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