On Creating Negotiation Rounds Similar to Multilateral Regimes for the TPP for Its Further Improvement

Author(s):  
Chang-fa Lo
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-445
Author(s):  
Felipe Leal Albuquerque

Abstract Developing powers are able to influence the evolution of the liberal order. In their multilateral engagements, they can employ a variety of foreign policy and negotiation strategies, voice their preferences and strengthen their bargaining power. This study examines how developing powers interact with the principles and norms of multilateral regimes. It analyzes Brazil’s behavior and negotiation power in the climate change and peace and security regimes. More specifically, it focuses on two concepts recently asserted by Brazil: ‘concentric circles’ and ‘responsibility while protecting.’ While the former addresses the division of responsibilities in the climate change realm, the latter approaches the norm of responsibility to protect. A comparative analysis is conducted with respect to three explanatory indicators, two domestic and one structural. One of the conclusions is that Brazil has behaved in such a way as to uphold a legalistic stance towards the global order.


1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-332
Author(s):  
Robin Warner

AbstractThe traditional freedoms of the high seas, set out in Article 87 of the 1982 United Nations Law of the Sea Convention, are now overlaid with a network of conventional international law provisions which seek to regulate a wide range of criminal activity, the taking of resources and environmental despoliation occurring on the high seas. Many of these regimes impose enforcement obligations on states parties but contain scant detail as to the practical mechanisms for enforcement. The high seas as an arena for maritime law enforcement presents new challenges for navies charged with implementing co-operative regimes. The development of uniform enforcement procedures and an equitable division of enforcement responsibility among regional navies or regional maritime security forces is essential if high seas regimes are to be implemented effectively. This article identifies some of the jurisdictional issues which can arise for navies or maritime security forces tasked with enforcing multilateral regimes beyond national jurisdiction.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vinícius Rodrigues Vieira

Negotiators expect the World Trade Organization (wto) to be an arena for states to pursue their material gain. However, the wto also reflects symbolic aspects of international politics, in particular the notion of multilateralism. Although such a principle, in part, expresses Western dominance, Global South states have also benefited from multilateral regimes, and thus have incentives to legitimize them and behave according to their rules. Will the pattern of multilateralism change as other trade arrangements potentially gain more prominence? This article analyzes actions taken by Brazil and India in wto’s Doha Development Agenda (dda) and concludes that the multilateral system of trade will survive as Global South states participate in the organization to seek not just material gains but also to commit themselves to the international normative dimension.


Laws ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gor Samvel

The UN Global Compact, being an institutional innovation in global governance, invites businesses to voluntarily commit to a selection of principles, rooted in multilateral regimes. Such commitment is expected to improve business practices and by that to close gaps in global governance. This spawns an expectation that through UN Global Compact business and multilateral treaty regimes will engage in mutually fertilizing and potentially coherent interaction to overcome the shortfalls of global governance. The current paper looks into this alleged interaction in the field of water stewardship and access to water. It explores first, the conceptual interdependence of the UN Global Compact and multilateral regimes in the respective fields and second, the ways in which the business practices reported under the UN Global Compact contribute to the advancement of the rules and principles thereof. The paper finds that the traditional multilateral systems and the innovative governance platform share an identical conceptual narrative but exist as separate realities on operational level. From the latter perspective the UN Global Compact might risk deepening governance gaps rather than close them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-134
Author(s):  
Sanjaya Baru

Most economic forecasts made after the trans-Atlantic fi nancial crisis of 2008 – 2009 have suggested that by 2030 China and India will overtake the United States to become the world’s largest and second-largest economies, respectively. This is why India is viewed as a global power, graduating from its regional role. The COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing “Cold War” between the United States and China could present new challenges and open up new opportunities for India. While dealing with short-term economic and geopolitical challenges, India will continue to carve out its path in its relations with the world that is defi ned by its civilizational inheritance, its core national interests and its economic performance and capabilities. This article discusses why, given India’s focus on its economic development and growth, the country seeks a regional and global economic and security environment that would be conducive to attaining these objectives. The author suggests fi rst, that as a rising power, India has remained committed to multilateralism in both the economic and security fi elds. It has adhered to the discipline of existing multilateral regimes, including in trade, fi nance and nuclear non-proliferation. India has also actively supported a global solution to the challenge of global warming and climate change. Second, that even as India pursues a policy of multi-alignment in a world marked by a multipolar balance of power, the viability of its policy will hinge upon how China responds to India’s rise and its core national security concerns. Finally, that as Big Power rivalries return and a new Cold War may be in the offi ng, India will have to reassess its options given its developmental aspirations. An assertive China seeking hegemonic dominance in Asia could reduce India’s options and encourage it to build new alliances that are aimed at enhancing national security and ensuring a more balanced distribution of power.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document