Youth Unemployment and Electoral Violence in Nigeria: A Case of the 2019 General Elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 35-49
Author(s):  
Olu Awofeso ◽  
Paul A. Irabor
Keyword(s):  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
General Elections

Bhutan’s next government will aim to diversify economy

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Debt ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
India And China

Significance The ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was ousted in the first round on September 15. The DNT and DPT manifestos concentrate on youth unemployment and public debt. The 2013 elections, which involved debate about Bhutan’s relations with close ally India and China, saw several DNT candidates joining the PDP after the first round. Impacts Polling in the second round will be peaceful, with electoral violence highly unlikely. The new government will come under pressure to curb corruption. The Maldives will favour India over China following Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s surprise win in the presidential election.

Electoral Violence in Zanzibar: Drivers and Early Warning Mechanisms

Utafiti ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-235
Author(s):  
Alexander Boniface Makulilo
Keyword(s):  
Early Warning ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Power ◽  
High Stake ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
Key Stakeholders ◽  
United Republic Of Tanzania ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
Underlying Causes

Abstract Elections are an integral part of any democracy. They serve as a mechanism for legitimising a political system – its succession of government and leaders – for linking political institutions with voters, and for holding the elected government and leaders accountable to the electorate. Yet, due to the combative nature of competition for political power in high-stake contexts, elections may lead to violence. Usually this happens if key stakeholders anticipate the proceedings will not be free and fair, while those seeking to retain or gain political power show no qualms about resorting to extraordinary measures such as using force in order to win. Sometimes there exist underlying causes of electoral violence such as exclusion, inequality, or a history of ethnic tensions. Zanzibar, a semi-autonomous group of islands off the mainland coast of the United Republic of Tanzania, exhibits such a case whereby almost every one of its general elections has been marred with violence. Today, as the concern escalates over threats of immanent physical combat related to elections in so-called ‘advanced’ democracies, it is illuminating to revisit the drivers of electoral violence in Zanzibar, and to reconsider the efficacy of its early warning mechanisms, since the inception of Zanzibar’s multiparty politics in 1992.

scholarly journals Democratization Trapped in Electoral Violence: Is Sub-Saharan Africa a Dangerous Place for Democracy?

1970 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Mojeed Adekunle Animashaun
Keyword(s):  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
Causative Factor ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Risk Environment ◽  
African Region ◽  
Land Access ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Power Elite

The third wave of democratization that hit the African region in the early 1990s left in its wake termination of authoritarian rule, and consequent enthronement of democratic regimes. This momentous event raised high hopes of enduring democracy in a region with egregious authoritarian past. Three decades after the epochal transition that has been aptly dubbed Africa’s ‘second liberation’, prospects of democratic consolidation have not only waned considerably, but also initial hopes of democratic deepening have evaporated. While there is a plethora of factors that account for this democratic recession, electoral violence has been implicated in the literature as a key causative factor. Whereas Africa has seen an impressive increase in the frequency of elections in the post-third wave period, this democratic gain has been eroded by a corresponding increase in the incidence of violence in African elections. By comparing Kenya, Nigeria and Zimbabwe—three countries with different decolonization and democratization experiences—the paper shows that electoral violence is neither a recent phenomenon in Africa nor an exclusive strategy of a specific fraction of the power elite. The paper argues that electoral violence is promoted by such factors as politicization of land access, ethnic marginalization, patrimonialism, state-backed violence, and youth unemployment. These factors combine to make the Sub-Saharan Africa a ‘risk environment’ for electoral democracy. The paper concludes by proposing some reform measures capable of protecting the ballot against the bullet

scholarly journals Managing the Incidence of Electoral Violence in Ghana’s Fourth Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
Harrison Kofi Belley
Keyword(s):  
Sampling Technique ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
Process Factor ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Qualitative Research Design ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Volta Region

Since the inception of the fourth republic in 1992 [1], Ghana has gone through seven major successive general elections and has received numerous commendations all over the world. Incidentally, all these elections were associated with electoral violence. This study aimed at studying the causes, nature, and effects of electoral violence in the Volta Region of Ghana. The objective of the study included how electoral violence affects the credibility of the electoral system and what measures the Electoral Commission (EC) and the stakeholders in the conduct of elections have put in place to address the occurrence of electoral violence in the Volta Region in particular. The study identified two broad factors as responsible for the occurrence of electoral violence. The first factor is the process factor that serves as immediate cause of an eruption of electoral violence. The second is the external factors which, also serve as fertile grounds for electoral violence to occur. The study used qualitative research design in gathering data. The study used purposive sampling technique. In-depth interviews were conducted as the primary sources of data collection while secondary sources were gathered through existing documents, reports, textbooks, and internet search. The study recommended that EC should be professional in their electoral activities so that their actions would not serve as a spark of electoral violence.

scholarly journals Election Violence and Voter Turnout in 2019 General Elections: What Role for Political Parties?

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustapha Salihu ◽  
Yahaya Yakubu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Emerging Democracies ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Violence ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines the incidence of electoral violence and its resultant effects on voter turnout in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, with the role of political parties as the focal point of discussion. A review of election data shows; voter turnout has been on the decline from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2019. While a handful of factors could be responsible, the study ascribes its prevalence to the antic’s political parties (incumbent and opposition) and politicians who deliberately deploy violence as an electoral strategy. To account for the relationship between, political parties, electoral violence and voter turn-out, the study builds on theories of voter mobilization in and advanced and emerging democracies. Against this, it concludes in the absence of enduring party-voter relations in Nigeria, political parties and politicians alike, resort to vote buying, mobilization of political thugs and in other times deployment of state coercive apparatus to intimidate opponents all of which culminates into electoral irregularities which has the potency to instigate electoral violence. This in turn has in amongst others adversely affected voter turn-out as rightly observed over five electoral cycles.

scholarly journals Appraisal of Africa Traditional Media (Oramedia) as Communication Tools for Effective Management of Electoral Violence in Nigeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Odigbo Ben E ◽  
Silk Ugwu Ogbu ◽  
Okonkwo Raphael Valentine
Keyword(s):  
Survey Design ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The South ◽  
Communication Tools ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Effective Prevention ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
The North ◽  
Idiomatic Expressions ◽  
General Elections

The study dwelt on an appraisal of the potency of Africa traditional media vehicles (oramedia) as communication tools for effective prevention and management of pre- and post-electoral violence in Nigeria. It was occasioned by the perennial incidence of electoral violence that has characterized general elections in the country since independence. The specific objectives were to: determine the effect of oramedia human-vehicular media as antidote to electoral violence in Nigeria; examine the effect of oramedia traditional anti-violence symbols as tools for preventing electoral violence in Nigeria; and determine the effect of oramedia idiomatic expressions as tools for preventing electoral violence in Nigeria. The study adopted survey design, where primary data were sourced through structured questionnaire. The study area was Portharcourt in the South-South, Kaduna in the North, Aba in the South-East and Lagos in the South-West. The results show that: Oramedia human-vehicular media; oramedia traditional anti-violence symbols and oramedia idiomatic expressions were significantly effective antidote for the prevention and management of electoral violence in Nigeria. Based on these outcomes, it was then recommended that the Nigerian Government and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), should give priority and devote more resources to the use of Africa traditional media for checkmating pre- and post-electoral violence in the country.

A Review of the Electoral Process under Ghana's Fourth Republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.

Nation, Locality and Radical Identity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Control ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Left ◽  
National Model ◽  
Selection Of

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.

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