Indian Policy Towards Pakistan

2021 ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Raja Qaiser Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
1987 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-227
Author(s):  
Khwaja Sarmad

This book documents in a comprehensive manner the 'twists and turns' in India's industrial policy and strongly suggests the need for a re-orientation of this policy to overcome the weaknesses in the industrial structure and to utilize the sources of its strength. The author has had a distinguished career in the Indian Economic Service and brings this experience to bear on his analysis of the evolution of industrial policy in India. In India, the primary objective of planned development has been the creation of a technologically mature society capable of sustaining a process of self-propelled growth without extreme concentration of wealth in a few hands. It is rightly pointed out in the book that this objective is possible only in the context of rapid growth, which is the ultimate test of industrial policy. The book traces the origins of India's industrial policy and analyses its evolution during the past thirty years, showing how there has been an increasing gap between the objectives of this policy and the performance of the industrial sector.


1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. F. S Upton
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110190
Author(s):  
Iftikhar Ali ◽  
Jatswan S Sidhu

This paper assists in understanding contesting technological capabilities and doctrinal modification between India and Pakistan that are drifting South Asia towards instability, leaving the nuclear deterrence in a dark abyss. Hawks on both sides of the nuclear armed rivals are unprecedentedly chanting threats of nuclear war. More bothersome is the indications of shifting the Indian policy of No First Use (NFU), calls for doctrinal modifications and counterforce temptations. An Indian quest for escalation dominance and Pakistani quest for stability against India is in fact a mutual struggle beyond ‘minimum credible’ to ‘assured second strike’ capabilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Boyd Cothran

Abstract This article considers the event of a single year, 1873, to explain how President Ulysses S. Grant’s federal Indian policy led to the Indian wars of the late nineteenth century. Some historians have argued that Grant’s so-called Peace Policy failed due to systemic mismanagement and corruption; others have suggested it was due to administrative incompetence or ambivalence, while still others have accused the administration of cynicism in its approach to Indigenous affairs. This article argues that the Peace Policy reflected the unresolved tensions inherent in the era’s zeitgeist and that it failed to usher in a lasting peace because it did not account for the enmeshed reality of life in the American West where the boundaries and borders between Indian reservations and settler communities were entangled to say the least. The article begins with a detailed consideration of the Grant administration’s Indian policy as articulated by Francis Amasa Walker in the winter of 1872–73. Largely overlooked by historians of post–Civil War Indian policy, Walker was an influential thinker in his day whose policy recommendations emphasized the moral necessity of proprietary individualism and racial segregation on isolated reservations. The article then turns to the unfolding drama of the Modoc War (1872–73) to explore why the federal government abandoned the project of peacefully incorporating Indigenous people into the body politic, leading to a harsher and more militant approach to Indian affairs. By focusing on the nexus of ideas and events as they played out at this critical historical juncture, this article argues that the Modoc War was the precipitating event that marked the end of Grant’s so-called Peace Policy and the resumption of the Indian wars in the decades following the Civil War.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary D. Sandefur

This article examines interstate migration and labor force participation among White, American Indian and intermarried Indian/White couples. The results show that endogamous American Indian couples are much less likely to change states of residence than are the other two groups of couples. The effect of interstate migration on labor force participation does not vary across the three groups of couples. The implications of these results for the assimilation and internal colonial models of race relations and for federal Indian policy are discussed.


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