The public culture of science in nineteenth-century France

Metascience ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 697-702
Author(s):  
Mary Jo Nye
2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

In her work on the bourgeois male of the nineteenth century, Carol E. Harrison argues that “Although French law made no distinction between male and female associations, administrative practice ignored women in groups.” Most historians accept this point of view—that French administrators generally ignored the associational activities of women, and, indeed, most female groups appear to have garnered little notice from authorities. While Annie Grange suggests that this may be because so few female as-sociations existed throughout much of the nineteenth century, Catherine Duprat has uncovered numerous female societies, especiallysociétés de bienfaisance, many of which received more generous treatment from municipal and national officials than their male counterparts. However, she suggests that their official “silence”–the absence of general assemblies and frequent publications, as well as their careful cultivation of the traditional, non-threatening image ofdames de charité—kept these associations largely out of public view. Furthermore, for the most part, those female associations that did exist lacked visible political and financial clout.


Author(s):  
Silvia F. de M. Figueirôa

Simon-Suzanne-Nérée Boubée was born in Toulouse (France) in May 1806 and died in August 1862 in Luchon (France). This paper discusses Boubée's activities as a science popularizer exemplified through the journal L'Écho du Monde Savant , published in Paris from 1834 to 1846. L'Écho intended to ‘present a summary of the most important news taking place within the savant world’ to the public. In this journal Boubée published a broad range of topics, for example, advocating the crucial role and extent of geology, and the utmost value of industry and agriculture. The working hypothesis is that Boubée's convictions and profile, intertwined with some relevant trends within the French intellectual context—as manifested in science and technology matters—constituted the propelling force for his project to popularize science. Boubée's commitments to popular education, together with other aspects such as valuing the knowledge of workers, and praise for women's education and their scientific activity, were aligned with contemporary political and social movements. Like many practitioners of science hitherto unknown to historians, his work deserves deeper appreciation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-450
Author(s):  
Diego Palacios Cerezales

Abstract In 1851 more than 1.6 million signatures endorsed a petition for an amendment to the 1848 constitution that would have allowed Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte to stand for reelection. Following contemporary critics who claimed that the movement had been orchestrated by the government, scholars have been little impressed by this mobilization, which produced the largest petition of nineteenth-century France. By analyzing the petitions and the signatures themselves, official reports, correspondence of key actors, and the public debate, this article reappraises the campaign, making three claims: that a government-sponsored petition merits analysis in the context of the explosion of popular mobilization that followed 1848, that the depiction provided by the republicans of the participation of the administration in the campaign is partial and incomplete, and that the petitioners were not dependent and manipulated individuals but purposeful citizens who understood and supported the petition they signed. The article concludes that the campaign would not have succeeded without the genuine popularity of the president and the surfacing of a strong popular Bonapartist undercurrent. En 1851, des pétitions, rassemblant plus de 1,6 million de signatures, ont demandé une révision de la Constitution permettant à Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte de se porter candidat à un deuxième mandat présidentiel. Selon les républicains, le mouvement avait été orchestré et manipulé par le gouvernement, et les historiens ont aussi dédaigné cette mobilisation, alors qu'elle était la pétition la plus signée en France au dix-neuvième siècle. En analysant les pétitions et les signatures elles-mêmes, les rapports officiels, la correspondance des acteurs clés et le débat public, l'article réévalue cette campagne et propose trois arguments : (1) que les pétitions parrainées par le gouvernement font partie de l'histoire des mobilisations populaires ; (2) que l'image d'une administration toute-puissante mise au service de la campagne ne correspond pas à la réalité ; et enfin (3) que la plupart des pétitionnaires n'étaient pas des individus manipulés, mais des citoyens conscients du sens de leurs actions. La campagne n'aurait pas réussi sans l'expérience de la démocratie depuis 1848, la popularité du président et l'émergence d'un bonapartisme populaire.


Author(s):  
Ellen Anne McLarney

This chapter explores the life and writings of three main personalities who contributed to shaping an aesthetics of veiling in disparate but analogous ways. In their writings and their performances of a public self, these writers construct a sense of the psychic space that the outward sign of the veil helps cultivate. This psychic space, this spiritual interiority, is created by veiling but also by the words, discourses, narratives, and images of the veil in public culture and public circulation. Each writer has been profoundly invested in the politics of performance—in television (Kariman Hamza), film (Shams al-Barudi), and theater and cultural criticism (Safinaz Kazim). These three early exemplars were pivotal in formulating the ideological and conceptual contours of the genre. They set down motifs and described psychic transformations that would become classic signposts on the path to veiling. Their narratives envisioned new kinds of Islamic media in which the visual signifier of the veil would become ascendant.


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