scholarly journals France Speaks!

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-450
Author(s):  
Diego Palacios Cerezales

Abstract In 1851 more than 1.6 million signatures endorsed a petition for an amendment to the 1848 constitution that would have allowed Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte to stand for reelection. Following contemporary critics who claimed that the movement had been orchestrated by the government, scholars have been little impressed by this mobilization, which produced the largest petition of nineteenth-century France. By analyzing the petitions and the signatures themselves, official reports, correspondence of key actors, and the public debate, this article reappraises the campaign, making three claims: that a government-sponsored petition merits analysis in the context of the explosion of popular mobilization that followed 1848, that the depiction provided by the republicans of the participation of the administration in the campaign is partial and incomplete, and that the petitioners were not dependent and manipulated individuals but purposeful citizens who understood and supported the petition they signed. The article concludes that the campaign would not have succeeded without the genuine popularity of the president and the surfacing of a strong popular Bonapartist undercurrent. En 1851, des pétitions, rassemblant plus de 1,6 million de signatures, ont demandé une révision de la Constitution permettant à Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte de se porter candidat à un deuxième mandat présidentiel. Selon les républicains, le mouvement avait été orchestré et manipulé par le gouvernement, et les historiens ont aussi dédaigné cette mobilisation, alors qu'elle était la pétition la plus signée en France au dix-neuvième siècle. En analysant les pétitions et les signatures elles-mêmes, les rapports officiels, la correspondance des acteurs clés et le débat public, l'article réévalue cette campagne et propose trois arguments : (1) que les pétitions parrainées par le gouvernement font partie de l'histoire des mobilisations populaires ; (2) que l'image d'une administration toute-puissante mise au service de la campagne ne correspond pas à la réalité ; et enfin (3) que la plupart des pétitionnaires n'étaient pas des individus manipulés, mais des citoyens conscients du sens de leurs actions. La campagne n'aurait pas réussi sans l'expérience de la démocratie depuis 1848, la popularité du président et l'émergence d'un bonapartisme populaire.

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Foster

Abstract: This article focuses on the public debate surrounding the CBC as it began to program reality TV. It highlights the tension between a public broadcaster’s popular programming and the expectations of a cultural nationalist public that seeks to hold the institution accountable. It argues for the existence of a “CBC effect” and questions whether the transnational format of reality television on Canada’s national broadcaster augurs changes in Canadian public culture.Résumé : Cet article porte sur le débat public entourant le CBC quand ce dernier a commencé à diffuser de la téléréalité. Il souligne la tension qu’engendre la programmation populiste d’un radiodiffuseur public à l’égard d’un public nationaliste qui s’attend à ce que celui-ci fasse des choix plus cultivés. L’article postule l’existence d’un « effet CBC » et se demande si le format transnational de la téléréalité telle qu’elle passe au radiodiffuseur national du Canada annonce des changements à venier dans la culture publique canadienne.


1957 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. G. Hutt

The convening of the Assembly of Notables and the prolonged conflict between the government and the Parlement of Paris gave rise to a ferment of discussion throughout France during 1787 and 1788. This increased after the publication of the arrêt du conseil on 8 August 1788 which gave 1 May 1789 as the date for the opening of an Estates-General. The public debate was greatly encouraged by, and indeed largely carried on in, the innumerable pamphlets which appeared after the king had, in July, invited informed persons to submit memoranda on the proper form and functions of such an assembly. Amid this ‘avalanche of proposals, complaints, protests and far-fetched schemes’ there were a considerable number of pamphlets written by members of the lower clergy. Although the great majority of these are anonymous, the form of the titles and, more important, internal evidence indicate that they are almost certainly the work of clerical writers. The nature and content of these pamphlets are a valuable indication of the attitude of at least a considerable section—and this an influential section—of the lower clergy on the eve of the Revolution. In these pamphlets are expressed in their clearest form the ideas which formed the content of many of the speeches made by curé agitators in the electoral assemblies which met in the spring of 1789, and which, modified in more sober committees, dictated many of the clauses which clerical cahiers devoted to Church affairs.


Author(s):  
Raúl Mínguez Blasco

Resumen: El Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) fue un periodo convulso de la historia contemporánea española en el que la posición estable que la Iglesia española había alcanzado tras el Concordato de 1851 quedó en entredicho. Como consecuencia del proceso de feminización religiosa iniciado en las décadas anteriores, el debate público sobre la religión tuvo un importante componente de género. A pesar de las críticas de revolucionarios y secularistas, algunas mujeres que se presentaron a sí mismas como esposas y madres católicas se opusieron públicamente a las medidas gubernamentales que fueron en contra de los intereses eclesiásticos. Este artículo pretende reflexionar en torno a la agencia o capacidad de acción de las mujeres católicas y analiza la manera en que el antiliberalismo concibió la relación entre la esfera pública y la privada.Palabras clave: Sexenio Democrático, género, religión, secularismo, antiliberalismo, agencia.Abstract: The Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) was a troubled period of the modern history of Spain in which the stable position achieved by the Catholic Church after the Concordat of 1851 was widely questioned. Due to the feminisation of Catholicism during the previous decades, the public debate about religion had an important gendered component. Despite the criticisms of revolutionaries and secularists, some women who presented themselves as Catholic wives and mothers publicly opposed the Government measures against the Church’s interests. This paper reflects on the capacity of agency of Catholic women and analyses how anti-liberalism conceived the link between the public and the private realm.Keywords: Sexenio Democrático, gender, religion, secularism, anti-liberalism, agency.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 286-297
Author(s):  
Khairunnisa Maulida ◽  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan ◽  
Arizka Warganegara

This article aims to measure the participation of novice voters in the regional head election during the Covid-19 pandemic in the election of mayor and deputy mayor in Bandar Lampung in 2020. The problem is focused on beginner voters who have a strategic position in the 2020 Bandar Lampung Election. beginners in the 2019 election is 20% of the total voter turnout as a whole. In order to approach this problem, Gabriel Almond's theoretical reference on forms of political participation is used. The data was collected through an online survey using google form and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that, first, 92% of respondents know that in December 2020 in Bandar Lampung there will be an election for Wakot and 79.5% of novice voters exercise their right to vote voluntarily. Second, 47.3% of novice voters have protested against policies made by the government and 70.5% of respondents did not participate in the public debate of the mayor and deputy mayor of Bandar Lampung in 2020. Third, novice voters in choosing a candidate for mayor and the deputy mayor is not influenced by money politics with a percentage of 96.4%. Fourth, 81.3% of novice voters answered that they were not influenced by their parents in using their right to vote and Awareness of novice voters using their right to vote as citizens was 97.3%.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-831
Author(s):  
Robert Tombs

In the numerous works devoted to the French civil war of 1871, nothing has so much been taken for granted as the motives of the government during the six weeks that separated its taking office on 19 February and the outbreak of fighting on 2 April. Thiers and his colleagues are part of the myth of the Commune, the scribes and pharisees of the revolutionary passion play. They fill the roles well: there are few figures so unprepossessing in the history of nineteenth-century France.


2018 ◽  
pp. 146-207
Author(s):  
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya

In the last two decades of colonial rule in India, there were anticipations of freedom in many areas of the public sphere. In the domain of archiving these were chiefly felt in the form of reversal of earlier policies. The biggest change was that the habit of looking at the records as resources exclusively to be used by the civil servants for purposes of governance was abandoned. The resistance of the bureaucracy from the 1860s to opening the records to the Indian public was overcome. And, above all, the locus of policymaking shifted in the 1920s to the Indian Historical Records Commission, consisting of leading Indian historians who outnumbered the ‘official’ members who represented the government record offices. The period spanning the beginning of the nineteenth century to the last years of British rule in India saw the evolution from a Eurocentric and disparaging approach to India towards a more liberal and less ethnocentric approach.


1987 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Scott Appleby

“Romanism and Evolution. Remarkable Advance. No Special Creation.” “Father Zahm on the Six Days of Creation.” “Father Zahm on Inspiration.” “Father Zahm Honored with a Private Audience by His Holiness.”1 During the final decade of the nineteenth century religious periodicals and secular newspapers alike chronicled the growing fascination of the American Catholic community with the public debate over the latest theories regarding the evolution of species. One figure in particular, John Augustine Zahm, a Holy Cross priest and professor of chemistry and physics in the University of Notre Dame, captured many of the headlines and captivated Catholic audiences with his sophisticated, clear expositions of the various theories in the post-Darwinian controversies and with his repeated assurances that the idea of evolution, properly understood, posed no obstacle to the faith of the individual Catholic.


1963 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Hawkins

From nineteenth-century traditions of corporate secrecy, American manufacturers have moved slowly toward more public and credible financial disclosure practices. Professor Hawkins examines the variety of pressures from the business community, the accounting profession, the government, and the public which has impelled this movement and governed its direction and tempo.


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