Political culture, alternative politics and foreign policy: The case of Israel

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 177-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Ben-Porat ◽  
Shlomo Mizrahi
Author(s):  
Ben Tonra

This chapter explores the roots of Irish foreign, security, and defence policy, placing them in the context of a deeply pragmatic approach to public policy. Those roots are defined in terms of nationalism, solidarity, and global justice, which are themselves deep markers within Irish political culture. Ireland’s pragmatic approach is then grounded in a meticulously crafted rhetoric surrounding key foreign policy priorities but an associated reluctance to devote substantial resources towards these foreign policy and defence goals. Together, this gives rise to an assessment that the interests of smaller and less powerful states such as Ireland are best defended within legitimate, strong, and effective multilateral institutions such as the UN—even as the state continues to face adaptation challenges arising from a deepening foreign, security, and defence policy engagement within the EU.


1968 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tareq Y. Ismael

The emergence of the new states of Africa into world politics not only influenced the traditional balance of power in the international system, but also created a response among the older African states to restore the equilibrium of order maintained on the continent and fill the vacuum created by the departure of the colonial powers without clashing with the new nationalist movements. Henceforth, the search for influence had to take an ideological overtone. The activities of Egypt in Africa are a reflection of this. Since the mid-fifties, her African policy has aimed at creating a sense of community, cultural loyalty, and political integration. An attempt was made to reinforce the existing culture created by Islam and to transform it into what Pye and Verba call ‘political culture’.1 Thus, Egypt turned gradually toward the employment of religion on the African continent as an instrument of its foreign policy.


Significance The Homeland Union-Christian Democrat (TS-LDK)-led government sworn in on December 11 will make no changes to Lithuania’s US- and EU-aligned and anti-Moscow foreign policy. The conservative-liberal cabinet is more coherent than its predecessor, the country’s youngest (average age 42) and its most female (six ministers out of 14). Impacts Government policy will absorb previous cabinets’ good practice. Lithuania’s democratic political culture will improve after the toxic rule of the LZVS-led coalition. The opposition will be divided on values but agree on social issues, with the Social Democrats contributing to human rights policies.


1992 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Louis A. Pérez ◽  
Roland H. Ebel ◽  
Raymond Taras ◽  
James D. Cochrane

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 805-823 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAN HANCOCK

AbstractThis article examines the human rights claims made by the George W. Bush Administrations of their post 9/11 foreign and security policy. Two common scholastic explanations of this narrative are evaluated: (i) that human rights constitute, at least in part, independent foreign policy goals and; (ii) that the human rights claims of policymakers can be dismissed as hypocritical rhetoric. The article informs and progresses this debate by revisiting the works of the early twentieth century political culture theorists Gabriel Almond, Graham Wallas and Edward Bernays. The article details the consistent use of a human rights narrative by administration officials as a technique of political discipline. The article identifies five linguistic mechanisms through which this technique of discipline was made manifest in practice. The article thereby explains how a human rights narrative was employed as an instrument to inculcate, rather than describe, reality.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis Stairs

On prétend souvent que les élites politiques du Canada, plus qu'ailleurs, établissent leur leadership, guidées par une combinaison conjugueé de principes et d'adaptation aux circonstances. Cette thèse est fort étayée par la politique étrangère canadienne; l'on trouve des exemples dans l'approche d'Ottawa à la formation des Nations Unies, dans la manière de résoudre les conflits internationaux et dans l'administration des relations bilatérales avec les Etats-Unis. Dans ces trois contextes, on note une méfiance envers le dogmes, la peur des extrémismes, le respect de la diversité, la crainte du conflit, la croyance en la necessité du compromis et le souci de résoudre les divergences de façon ordonnée.Cette conception de bonne pratique politique semble être bien adaptée au contexte international, mais, comme style de leadership, elle est fréquemment attaquée au niveau domestique.Dans le contexte d'une population hétérogène et dans un système de démocratie parlementaire, l'adoption d'une approche plus cohérente et moins ad hoc dans les prises de décisions gouvernementales constitue un problème de taille. Cependant, les récentes tentatives pratiques de le régler ont déplacé le vrai problème en se concentrant dans les changements de la machine administrative. Ces transformations ont été accompagneées de la création d'une nouvelle classe de fonctionnaires séniors et de l'affaiblissement de la pratique politique. Malgré ses défauts, la pratique politique avail toutefois l'avantage de créer un certain'degré de solidarité dans une population où les raisons de conflit sont très nombreuses. Dans cet aspect, le « vieux » correspondait peut-être mieux au Canada que le « nouveau ».


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hinnerk Bruhns ◽  
Suzanne Kirkbright

“How can we think of peace? And when?”, Max Weber asks in a letter to Ferdinand Tönnies, in 14 October 1914. This article focuses on the concept of “successful” peace, the decisive concept for Weber’s ideas about the “way out of the war” that the author refined between 1914–1918 in his speeches, texts and letters. For Weber, a successful peace depended not only on the foreign policy dimension but even more on important inner reforms and a fundamental reorganisation of the German Reich. Analysing Weber’s “ideas of 1918” – radically opposed to the well-known “ideas of 1914” – this paper focuses on three aspects: (1) nation and state citizens (2) Prussia, (3) German tradition, history and political culture, before outlining, at the end, Weber’s ideas about the European post-war order.


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