scholarly journals Policy making in divided government: A pivotal actors model with party discipline

Public Choice ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 125 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 247-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep M. Colomer
2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES C. GARAND ◽  
MARCI GLASCOCK LICHTL

In recent years the study of divided government has been a growth industry. Numerous scholars have sought to explain patterns of divided government in the United States, while others have attempted to explore the consequences of the phenomenon. No doubt this scholarly interest in the subject is due in large part to the attention paid by the political media to divided control of the presidency and Congress during the 1980s, as well as the resulting ’gridlock‘ that dominated policy making in Washington during that time period.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Ansolabehere ◽  
David Brady ◽  
Morris Fiorina

Nearly two decades ago researchers pointed out the sharp decline in marginal districts in elections for the US House of Representatives. That observation led to an outpouring of research describing the electoral changes, explaining their bases and speculating about their consequences for the larger political system. Recently Gary Jacobson has offered a major corrective to that line of research, arguing that ‘House incumbents are no safer now than they were in the 1950s; the marginals, properly defined, have not vanished; the swing ratio has diminished little, if at all; and competition for House seats held by incumbents has not declined’. While Jacobson advances an extremely provocative argument, there are complicating patterns in his evidence that support additional and/or different interpretations. We argue that the marginals, ‘properly defined’ have diminished, the swing ratio has declined, and party competition for House seats held by incumbents has lessened. While fears that the vanishing marginals phenomenon would lead to lower responsiveness on the part of ‘safe’ House incumbents have proved groundless, the collective composition of Congress does appear to be less responsive to changes in popular sentiments. Thus, the vanishing marginals have contributed to the occurrence of divided government in the United States and in all likelihood do have the effects on congressional leadership and policy-making that many analysts have claimed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 387
Author(s):  
Marlan Hutahaean

The purpose of this article is to delves the implications of a divided or unified government for public policy making in Indonesian democracy transition process. This article used qualitative methodology. Data which was collected during the early phases of the research process was analysed by using several descriptive analysis techniques.The authors found evidence that showed that the formation of a unified government during Gus Dur-Megawati, Megawati-Hamzah Haz, SBY-JK, and SBY-Boediono regimes did not translate into an easy public policy making process. The same is expected to apply to Jokowi-JK government. The existence of a divided government during Jokowi-JK regime continues hampering the policy making process. The existence of a divided or unified government does not have so much influence on the policy making process rather the substance of the policy, the level of support the government can garner in the national assembly.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-46
Author(s):  
Jongkon Lee

It is widely believed that the lack of bipartisanship between the executive and legislative branches in the United States is deleterious to policy making. However, a divided government is perhaps more productive than a unified government because it can facilitate electoral gains for the minority party. Policy created by a divided government can be seen as the collaborative outcome of the majority and minority parties, but that of a unified government is perceived as the exclusive work of the majority party. Further, successful policy making on the part of the unified government could have the effect of compromising the minority party’s brand. Thus, the minority party has more incentive to negotiate with the majority party and participate in policy making in a divided government. To the extent that party brand name assumes greater importance in elections in a polarized political system, a divided government could be more conducive to policy making than a unified government.


2005 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUIS FERNANDO MEDINA

This article analyses the role of parties in political systems with legislative initiative. The model explicitly takes into account the multi-district nature of elections so that voters recognize that they are not voting for a policy but for members of a policy-making body. In this setting, parties can attain their ideological goals without resorting to extreme discipline of their members in the legislature. With respect to the electorate, although voters are endowed with perfect information about their candidates' ideological stance, this model explains how the legislature will display correlation across ideology and party, a feature often attributed to imperfect information.


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