Institutional implant and economic stagnation: a counterfactual study of Somalia

Public Choice ◽  
2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel D. Bonneau ◽  
Joshua C. Hall ◽  
Yang Zhou
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Natalia Rudenko ◽  
◽  
Tatiana Tuchak ◽  

The article analyzes the fiscal role of the excise tax on excisable goods (products) produced in Ukraine in the context of permanent changes in the tax legislative framework and within the framework of the global crisis through the coronavirus disease COVID-19. The concept of excise tax has been substantiated, a list of excisable products (goods) has been provided in accordance with legislative acts, the payers of this tax have been specified. The most important events and transactions that influenced the amount of tax revenues from excise tax are investigated. The authors believe that the main reason for the changes in the administration process and the receipt of the excise tax are the European integration transformations and the conditions of the global socio-economic crisis. Based on the difficult economic situation in the state, some legislative acts regulating the collection of excise tax from excisable products produced in the country were considered. It was revealed that a moratorium on the payment of excise tax was imposed on the territory of the studied state for a certain period. This event made its own adjustments to the proceeds from the payment of excise tax on excisable products (goods) produced domestically, and also allowed domestic producers to move from the place of economic stagnation. In Ukraine, they began to actively manufacture and sell antiseptic and disinfectants of their own production to protect citizens. According to the data of the State Treasury Service of Ukraine, the authors analyzed the indicators of tax revenues for each type of excisable products (goods) of domestic production. It was revealed from which products more tax was received during the study period. The main factors that influenced the receipts of excise tax from excisable goods produced on the territory of Ukraine in the period of 2019, as well as for 9 months of 2020, have been determined.


2021 ◽  
pp. 103530462110176
Author(s):  
Anna Sturman ◽  
Natasha Heenan

We introduce a themed collection of articles on approaches to configuring a Green New Deal as a response to the current capitalist crisis marked by ecological breakdown, economic stagnation and growing inequality. The Green New Deal is a contested political project, with pro-market, right-wing nationalist, Keynesian, democratic socialist and ecosocialist variants. Critiques of the Green New Deal include pragmatic queries as the feasibility of implementation, and theoretical challenges from the right regarding reliance on state forms and from the left regarding efforts to ameliorate capitalism. They also include concerns about technocratic bias and complaints about lack of meaningful consultation with Indigenous peoples on proposals for large-scale shifts in land use. Debates over the ideological orientation, political strategy and implementation of the Green New Deal must now account for the economic and employment impacts of COVID. JEL Codes: Q43, Q54, Q56, Q58


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 968-981 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Fox ◽  
Jo Beall

The process of urbanisation has historically been associated with both socioeconomic development and social strain. Although there is little evidence that urbanisation per se increases the likelihood of conflict or violence in a country, in recent decades Africa has experienced exceptional rates of urban population growth in a context of economic stagnation and poor governance, producing conditions conducive to social unrest and violence. In order to improve urban security in the years ahead, the underlying risk factors must be addressed, including urban poverty, inequality, and fragile political institutions. This, in turn, requires improving urban governance in the region by strengthening the capacity of local government institutions, addressing the complex political dynamics that impede effective urban planning and management, and cultivating integrated development strategies that involve cooperation between various tiers and spheres of government and civil society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110138
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll

This article draws on Gramsci’s theory of passive revolution to explore the second tenure of Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzō from 2012 to 2020. It sees the high degree of political stability that Abe achieved as a contrast to the preceding two decades of Japanese politics and asks what accounts for Abe’s success in restoring Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) dominance in an era of enduring economic and social crisis. The article argues that Abe executed a strategy of passive revolution that incorporated two “faces”: an “outward” face oriented around consent and an “inward” face rooted in coercion. The former involved economic policies (in particular “Abenomics”) designed to appear capable of resolving chronic economic stagnation, growing inequality and other social and economic problems, restoring popular support for the LDP without undermining conditions for capital accumulation or empowering subaltern classes. In contrast, the latter involved various low-profile security and administrative policies that enabled the Abe government to dramatically increase its power while silencing or disarming potential rivals and critics. The article sees this two-sided strategy of passive revolution as effective in restoring LDP dominance but unlikely to prove the basis for a more expansive hegemony or a resolution to Japan’s organic crisis.


1985 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
William Diebold ◽  
Leon N. Lindberg ◽  
Charles S. Maier
Keyword(s):  

1972 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 372
Author(s):  
Raymond Carr ◽  
David R. Ringrose
Keyword(s):  

1962 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szászdi

The title of this article seems to give the impression that its author is a financial expert. Unhappily, this is not the case. But—for quite unknown reasons—college professors are apt to acquire some empirical knowledge of credit facilities. Besides, I do not intend to give practical advice to anybody. I shall only try to show, how people in Puerto Rico, a century and a half ago, managed to survive—and at times prosper—in the midst of what some people used to call, not very affectionately, the “money complex.”What makes the question interesting is the lack of banks or other credit institutions. Apparently, the first small savings banks did not appear until the 1870's. The paucity, if not the absolute absence, of liquid capital characterizes Puerto Rico until the period under study. Such a state of affairs had remote causes. Puerto Rico, as Spain's second colony in the New World, had had a prosperous start in the sixteenth century. Some gold was found, and the firstingeniowas set up. But in the 1520's an exodus was set off by the attraction of the fabulous mineral wealth of the continent that was being conquered, an exodus that the threat of the death penalty was not able to stop effectively. The lack of sufficient settlers was then the initial cause of Puerto Rico's economic stagnation. Naturally, the following two hundred years should have been more than sufficient to allow recovery, for—popular beliefs to the contrary—mineral wealth was not the only source of economic prosperity in the Spanish monarchy. As a sample, the Philippines exported Chinese goods, Central America cocoa and dyestuff, Venezuela cocoa and tobacco, Guayaquil cocoa and timber, Quito textiles, Peru wine and flour, Chile flour and timber, Tucumán mules, Buenos Aires hides, and Cuba sugar and tobacco.


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