The effect of violent crime on female decision-making within the household: evidence from the Mexican war on drugs

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 615-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Tsaneva ◽  
Marc Rockmore ◽  
Zahra Albohmood
2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (5) ◽  
pp. 892-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Brown ◽  
Verónica Montalva ◽  
Duncan Thomas ◽  
Andrea Velásquez

Whereas attitudes toward risk play an important role in many decisions over the life course, factors that affect those attitudes are not fully understood. Using longitudinal survey data collected in Mexico before and during the Mexican war on drugs, we investigate how risk attitudes change with variation in insecurity and uncertainty brought on by unprecedented changes in local-area violent crime. Exploiting the fact that the timing, virulence, and spatial distribution of changes in violent crime were unanticipated, we establish there is a rise in risk aversion spread across the entire local population as local-area violent crime increases.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052091259
Author(s):  
Nicholas D. Michalski ◽  
Narina Nunez

“Gay panic” refers to a situation in which a heterosexual individual charged with a violent crime against a homosexual individual claims they lost control and reacted violently because of an unwanted sexual advance that was made upon them. This justification for a violent crime presented by the defendant in the form of a provocation defense is used as an effort to mitigate the charges brought against him. There has been relatively little research conducted concerning this defense strategy and the variables that might predict when the defense is likely to be successful in achieving a lesser sentence for the defendant. This study utilized 249 mock jurors to assess the effects of case type (assault or homicide) and juror characteristics (homophobia, religious fundamentalism, and political orientation) on the success of the gay panic defense compared with a neutral provocation defense. Participant homophobia was found to be the driving force behind their willingness to accept the gay panic defense as legitimate. Higher levels of homophobia and religious fundamentalism were found to predict more leniency in verdict decisions when the gay panic defense was presented. This study furthers the understanding of decision making in cases involving the gay panic defense and highlights the need for more research to be conducted to help understand and combat LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) prejudice in the courtroom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 91-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Wolfesberger

Qualitative ethnographic study of the human rights violations committed in the course of the militarized combat against drug trafficking organizations in rural Michoacán unmasks state practices of coercive inclusion. The violation of human rights and the subsequent processing of human rights claims paradoxically bind the marginalized population to the formal state and foster its subordination. The practical configuration of the current arena of human rights is not the lever for a democratic, inclusive Mexico but a curtain that conceals the repressive practices that it makes possible. In the processing of human rights complaints, the legal rights of physical integrity and private property become moral rights with no effect of legal justice. Un estudio etnográfico cualitativo sobre las violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas durante la lucha militarizada contra las organizaciones de tráfico de drogas en el Michoacán rural sirve para desenmascarar las prácticas de inclusión coercitiva del Estado. Las violaciones y el posterior procesamiento de las denuncias paradójicamente vinculan a la población marginada con el Estado oficial, fomentando su subordinación. La configuración práctica del actual contexto de los derechos humanos no funge como la palanca de un México democrático e inclusivo, sino como una cortina que oculta las prácticas represivas que el Estado hace posibles. En la tramitación de las denuncias sobre violación de derechos humanos, los derechos legales de la integridad física y la propiedad privada se convierten en derechos morales sin ningún efecto de justicia legal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Isaac Vargas

ince the war on drugs began in 2007, Mexico has accumulated more than 250,000 murders and 70,000 disappearances. A complex landscape of criminal organisations has been shaping the violent conditions in the country, accompanied by an imaginary that projects their presence in multiple forms. We can identify a dire example with the bodies found in mass graves that are still wearing their clothes, often designer knock-offs inspired by the wardrobes of drug lords. In this scenario, I argue that an overlap exists between two underground economies: drug trafficking and counterfeit clothing. To understand this relation and its connection to criminal power, my analysis focuses on one of the basic aspects of organised crime: governance, especially its symbolic vein as well as its interpretation and dissemination through media outlets. The names of my interlocutors have been changed in order to protect their security.


2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vidal Romero ◽  
Beatriz Magaloni ◽  
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 995
Author(s):  
Rutilio Martinez

Between the first quarter of 2007 and the first quarter of 2012, the retail sales of Texas' border cities grew at an unprecedented low quarterly rate of 0.21%. Mexico's drug war contributed significantly to this low growth by hindering the growth of sales to Mexicans who cross the border to shop. This hindrance is likely to continue as long as Mexico's war on drugs continues to generate high levels of violent crime in the northern part of the country.


Subject Crime trends in Mexico. Significance Presidential candidate for the leftist National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador last week condemned Mexico's war on drugs, claiming that failed security policies had led to “a massacre a month”. Initially announced in 2006 by then-President Felipe Calderon (2006-12), and continued since by President Enrique Pena Nieto, the war on drugs has led to a militarisation of policing in many parts of Mexico, which, rather than alleviating violent crime, has arguably exacerbated it, resulting in human rights violations and civilian casualties. Impacts Real security improvements require institutional transformation that would only see results in the medium-to-long term. Washington's newly protectionist and isolationist stance could exacerbate economic hardship and insecurity in Mexico. Power struggles within the Sinaloa Cartel could be bloody, exacerbating insecurity, particularly in Mexico’s north-west.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 324-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Dobkin ◽  
Nancy Nicosia

In mid-1995, a government effort to reduce the supply of methamphetamine precursors successfully disrupted the methamphetamine market and interrupted a trajectory of increasing usage. The price of methamphetamine tripled and purity declined from 90 percent to 20 percent. Simultaneously, amphetamine-related hospital and treatment admissions dropped 50 percent and 35 percent, respectively. Methamphetamine use among arrestees declined 55 percent. Although felony methamphetamine arrests fell 50 percent, there is no evidence of substantial reductions in property or violent crime. The impact was largely temporary. The price returned to its original level within four months; purity, hospital admissions, treatment admissions, and arrests approached preinter-vention levels within eighteen months. (JEL I12, K42)


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giacomo Battiston ◽  
Gianmarco Daniele ◽  
Marco Le Moglie ◽  
Paolo Pinotti

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