scholarly journals The Effects of Enhanced Enforcement at Mexico’s Southern Border: Evidence From Central American Deportees

Demography ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 1597-1623
Author(s):  
Fernanda Martínez Flores

Abstract Immigration enforcement cooperation between final-destination and transit countries has increased in the last decades. I examine whether the Southern Border Plan, an immigration enforcement program implemented by the Mexican government in 2014, has curbed intentions of unauthorized migrants from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras to migrate to the United States. I use the announcement of the Southern Border Plan to implement a difference-in-differences approach and compare the evolution of short-run intentions to engage in additional unauthorized crossings of Central American (treatment group) relative to Mexican deportees (comparison group). The findings suggest that increased enforcement in Mexico decreases the likelihood of attempting repeated unauthorized crossings.

2008 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Kovic

July 2007. Hundreds of Central American migrants were camped along the railway tracks in Arriaga, Chiapas waiting to for the freight train to leave. Some were eating, perhaps their last food for days, others had bottles of water tied across their shoulders, some attempted to rest under the train cars to escape the hot sun. One young man brushed his teeth under the trees, using the water he carried in a recycled coca-cola bottle, to prepare himself for the journey ahead. Arriaga, a town of 25,000 people, is split in half by the train tracks. The town's tiny plaza, with a small playground, fondas (eateries), and a railway museum, sits on one side of the tracks. The town's church and market lie on the other. These Central American migrants in Arriaga, some 150 miles from Mexico's southern border with Guatemala, were eager to jump the freight train to continue their journey north to the United States. The train had not left Arriaga for a full week and many were desperate as they felt trapped. Their preparations underscored the dangers and harshness of the trip. They would have to hold on to the train for hours and days at a time, riding on ladders and the roofs of tank cars. Those who fall asleep and lose their grip risk death or severe injury, such as dismemberment.


2019 ◽  
pp. 123-159
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald

Washington and Ottawa have tried to keep out most of the Central Americans fleeing to North America beginning in the civil wars of the 1980s. Central America and Mexico buffer the United States, which in turn buffers Canada. The U.S. government has propped up client states in Central America; paid for refugee camps; and provided training, equipment, and financing for migration controls further south. Mexico has weak rights of territorial personhood, so rather than strictly controlling entry across its southern border, its entire territory has become a “vertical frontier” with the United States. Aggressive U.S. enforcement at the Mexican border traps transit migrants in Mexico and creates an incentive for the Mexican government to deport them. But harsh U.S. enforcement on its border and the fact that it targets Mexicans as well as third-country nationals impedes the bilateral cooperation that would make Mexico a more effective buffer.


Subject Mexico is becoming a buffer zone for thousands of US-bound Central American migrants. Significance Since a surge of undocumented minors arrived at the US border in 2014, the United States and Mexico have developed a strategy of coordinated containment aimed at stemming migrant flows. However, within four months of President Enrique Pena Nieto's announcement of a Southern Border Programme (PFS) on July 7, 2014, detentions of undocumented Central American migrants in Mexico almost doubled, suggesting that the wave is not ebbing, but is instead being held back in Mexico. Impacts Mexico's strong record of migrant detentions and deportations is unlikely to stem the flow. The varied causes of the migration tide raise doubts about the viability of US-Mexico containment strategies. A lack of focus on multilateral migration frameworks will increase the risk of humanitarian crises.


Subject Courting Mexican expatriates. Significance The Mexican government conducted an open consultation in 13 US cities between March 17 and April 13 to reach out to Mexican migrants living there, assess their concerns and propose ways of addressing them. Despite this, numerous migrant groups have expressed fears that the government is not taking their feedback on board and is pursuing policies that could do more harm than good. On March 28, the government closed the largest offices of the National Migration Institute (INM)'s 'Paisano' programme, which informed Mexicans travelling between Mexico and the United States about their rights. Impacts Trump will ramp up anti-Mexican rhetoric as he seeks re-election, putting AMLO under pressure to support migrants. Expatriates' key demand is legal support to regularise their US status, which may be unfulfilled amid AMLO's austerity drive. Mexico's increasingly hard line on Central American migrants may undermine AMLO's support among some expatriates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (72) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luz Carregha Lamadrid

En el artículo se aborda el conflicto surgido en 1885, cuando el general Justo Rufino Barrios, presidente de Guatemala, proclamó de manera unilateral la Unión de Repúblicas Centroamericanas, y aseguró que la establecería aun por la vía armada. También se examina la postura del gobierno mexicano ante el conflicto que estalló y obligó a mirar a la frontera sur, a partir de las notas de los periódicos principales que circulaban entonces en la Ciudad de México, lo que permite también conocer la respuesta de la opinión pública de la época. El objetivo es explorar la política exterior del gobierno mexicano frente a un evento, que adquirió mayor relevancia cuando se extendió el temor de una posible intervención de Estados Unidos en el territorio nacional. Los hallazgos muestran que la reacción del general Porfirio Díaz ante el conflicto centroamericano contribuyó al fortalecimiento de su figura como “héroe de la paz”, que lo caracterizó.Looking at the South without losing sight of the North. Mexico vis-à-vis the Union of Central American Republics, 1885this article deals with the conflict arising in 1885, when General Justo Rufino Barrios, president of Guatemala, proclaimed unilaterally the Union of Central American Republics, assuring its establishment even by armed means. Also, based on news items from the main newspapers circulating in Mexico City, which allows to know the response of public opinion of the time, it examines the Mexican government’s position on the conflict that broke out and was an imperative to have a look at the southern border. The aim is to explore Mexican government’s foreign policy vis-à-vis an event that became more relevant when fears of a possible intervention of the United States in the national territory spread. The findings show that General Porfirio Diaz’s reaction to the Central American conflict contributed to the enhancement of his reputation as “a peace hero”.


Author(s):  
Adam Cox ◽  
Cristina M. Rodriguez

This book challenges the myth that Congress—not the President—controls immigration law, dictating who may come to the United States, and who may stay, in a detailed and comprehensive legislative code. Drawing on a wide range of sources—rich historical materials, unique data on immigration enforcement, and insider accounts of the nation’s massive immigration bureaucracy—it reveals how the President has become our immigration policymaker-in-chief over the course of two centuries. From founding-era debates over the Alien and Sedition Acts, to Jimmy Carter’s intervention during the Mariel boatlift from Cuba, to the last two administrations’ reactions to Central American asylum seekers at the southern border, presidential crisis management has played an important role in this story. Far more foundational, however, has been the ordinary executive obligation to enforce the law. Over time, the power born of that duty has become the central vehicle for making immigration policy in the United States. In grappling with the implications of this power, the book also provides a blueprint for reform, one that accepts rather than laments the role the President plays in shaping the national community, while outlining strategies to curb the abuse of law enforcement authority in immigration and beyond.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-63
Author(s):  
Wendy Vogt

While Mexico has been openly critical of US immigration enforcement policies, it has also served as a strategic partner in US efforts to externalize its immigration enforcement strategy. In 2016, Mexico returned twice as many Central Americans as did the United States, calling many to criticize Mexico for doing the United States’ “dirty work.” Based on ethnographic research and discourse analysis, this article unpacks and complicates the idea that Mexico is simply doing the “dirty work” of the United States. It examines how, through the construction of “dirty others”—as vectors of disease, criminals, smugglers, and workers—Central Americans come to embody “matter out of place,” thus threatening order, security, and the nation itself. Dirt and dirtiness, in both symbolic and material forms, emerge as crucial organizing factors in the politics of Central American transit migration, providing an important case study in the dynamics between transit and destination states.


Author(s):  
Aref Emamian

This study examines the impact of monetary and fiscal policies on the stock market in the United States (US), were used. By employing the method of Autoregressive Distributed Lags (ARDL) developed by Pesaran et al. (2001). Annual data from the Federal Reserve, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund, from 1986 to 2017 pertaining to the American economy, the results show that both policies play a significant role in the stock market. We find a significant positive effect of real Gross Domestic Product and the interest rate on the US stock market in the long run and significant negative relationship effect of Consumer Price Index (CPI) and broad money on the US stock market both in the short run and long run. On the other hand, this study only could support the significant positive impact of tax revenue and significant negative impact of real effective exchange rate on the US stock market in the short run while in the long run are insignificant. Keywords: ARDL, monetary policy, fiscal policy, stock market, United States


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.


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