Understanding the Role of Family-Specific Resources for Immigrant Workers

Author(s):  
Faviola Robles-Saenz ◽  
Rebecca M. Brossoit ◽  
Tori L. Crain ◽  
Leslie B. Hammer ◽  
Jacqueline R. Wong
Keyword(s):  
1978 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 514-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Jenkins

Recent analyses of the economic role of immigrant workers from Mexico in U.S. labor markets have been advanced from two divergent interpretations—a labor scarcity argument and a social control thesis. This article analyzes the two perspectives, finding little evidence to support the labor scarcity argument. Immigrant workers are instead argued to be tied to social control functions in the peripheral sectors of the U.S. economy. Detail from the historical experience of farm workers in Southwestern agriculture are drawn upon to illustrate the argument.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 856-874
Author(s):  
Raphaël-Emmanuel Verhaeren

The few studies which have been carried out on foreign seasonal workers in France, only take into account the annual inflows of seasonal immigrants. This present article covers two other aspects of the problem: the seasonal nature of immigration in general, and above all the role of permanent immigrant workers in certain sectors influenced by seasonal changes.


Author(s):  
Heather Connolly ◽  
Miguel Martínez Lucio ◽  
Stefania Marino

The book explores the question of social inclusion and trade union responses to immigration in the European context, comparing the Netherlands, Spain and the United Kingdom. Drawing on in-depth qualitative research the book focuses on how trade unions - particularly more established and institutionalised trade unions - respond to immigrant workers and what they perceive to be the important points of renewal and change that are required for a more integrated and supported immigrant community to emerge. The book also considers the role of European level trade union relations on the question of immigration and how trade unionists have attempted to deal with very different national configurations of trade union action. The book argues that we need to appreciate the complexity of trade union traditions, paths to renewal and competing trajectories of solidarity. While trade union organisations remain wedded to specific trajectories, trade union renewal remains an innovative if at times problematic set of choices and aspirations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz

AbstractOver the past four decades, increasingly punitive and enforcement-oriented U.S. immigration policies have been legitimized by a rhetoric of criminality that stigmatizes Latino immigrant workers and intensifies their exploitation. Simultaneously, there has been a sevenfold increase in the prison population in the United States, in which African Americans are eight times more likely to be jailed than Whites (Western 2006, p. 3). In this paper, I draw on scholarship in history and sociology, as well as my own anthropological research, to develop the argument that criminal justice policies and immigration policies together disempower low-wage U.S. labor and maintain categorical racial inequalities in a “postracial” United States. First, I review the historical role of race in U.S. immigration policy, and I consider the evidence for systemic racism in immigration enforcement in the contemporary period. Second, I discuss criminal legislation in the neoliberal era and examine the ways in which criminal legislation and immigration policies together disempower large segments of the U.S. workforce, satisfying employer demands for low cost and pliant labor. Finally, I argue that a political focus on immigrant workers' “illegality” masks the role of the state in (re)defining the legal status of low-wage workers and veils the ways in which punitive policies maintain historical racial and class inequalities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pegah Moradi

Leading up to and following the 2016 American presidential election, “White working class” employment and political agency has become particularly salient. A simultaneous discussion on the role of automation in unemployment complicates the political narrative; by one estimate, 47% of American jobs are at risk of computerization (Frey and Osborne, 2013). This study analyzes how occupational automation corresponds with racial and ethnic demographics within occupational groups from both a historical and contemporary perspective. I find that throughout American industrialization, non-White and immigrant workers shifted to low-wage, unskilled work because of the political and social limitations imposed upon these groups. In the context of today’s AI-driven automation, I find that White workers are more heavily affected by automatability than other racial groups. Conversely, however, I found that the proportion of White workers in an occupation is negatively correlated with an occupation’s automatability. I conclude with suggestions for a susceptibility-based approach to predicting employment outcomes from AI-driven automation.


Author(s):  
S. Irudaya Rajan

The discovery of oil in Gulf countries significantly influenced international migration of workers to the Gulf region as these countries required human resources from other countries to work in oil industry. Due to the nonavailability of nationals, migrant workers, first from Arab-speaking countries and later from Asia, began to be employed. These migrant workers brought change not only to the economy of the Gulf region but also in the age-sex composition of the region. Initially there were no plans to reduce or to stop immigrant workers because of the need for skilled and semiskilled workers for the development of the economy. The respective governments of Gulf countries started implementing nationalist policies to reduce or regulate migration due to high unemployment among nationals. In addition, due to the large-scale presence of undocumented migrant workers or shadow labor forces, Gulf countries faced a crisis which they solved through amnesty schemes introduced from time to time. This chapter explains the role of migration in the Gulf and its implications for migration policy, undocumented workers, and resulting crises brought forth in the economy and society.


Author(s):  
Mònica Ginés-Blasi

Abstract Authors writing about the history of the “coolie trade” in Cuba have generally focused on the multinational effort to halt the trafficking of Chinese workers. Little has been written about either the role of consuls as middlemen or of Spanish participation in the traffic in treaty ports. Yet, several sources indicate that many officials at Spanish consulates in coastal China were intensely involved in the shipment of Chinese emigrants to Cuba and other coolie trade destinations, and were also at the centre of international scandals. These consular officers frequently used their authority to obtain a monopoly over the trade. In this article, I argue that the coolie trade was the main objective of Spain's consular deployment in China, and that the involvement of these consular officials was crucial in developing an abusive migratory system and sustaining the mistreatment of Chinese immigrant workers throughout the second half of the nineteenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 121 ◽  
pp. 507-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
José A. García-Arroyo ◽  
Amparo Osca Segovia

Slavic Review ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreja Vezovnik

This article sheds light on recent discursive shifts in representations of the “Balkan” in the Slovenian press. I focus on the strategies that the media, and the left-wing press in particular, uses to construct the identities of immigrant workers in Slovenia. I use critical discourse analysis to show how the media has recently attempted to avoid Balkanism and tried to create a more inclusive, democratic rhetoric on these workers and how they become a legitimate “other” in Slovenian society only when constructed as helpless victims. I analyze the role of the victim in the Slovenian imaginary, its disillusioned hero a cogent signifier for collective national identification, and how this figure's characteristics are transposed to ex-Yugoslav immigrants to Slovenia, placing them within a rhetoric of victimization that is framed within a broader humanitarian discourse in order to interrogate what Maria Todorova has defined asBalkanism. I conclude by exploring victimization as the process of desubjectivation and point out aspects of victimization that reaffirm long-standing power relations between Europe and the Balkans.


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