scholarly journals Race, Ethnicity, and the Future of Work

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pegah Moradi
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Immigrant Workers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Occupational Groups ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
Contemporary Perspective ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
White Workers

Leading up to and following the 2016 American presidential election, “White working class” employment and political agency has become particularly salient. A simultaneous discussion on the role of automation in unemployment complicates the political narrative; by one estimate, 47% of American jobs are at risk of computerization (Frey and Osborne, 2013). This study analyzes how occupational automation corresponds with racial and ethnic demographics within occupational groups from both a historical and contemporary perspective. I find that throughout American industrialization, non-White and immigrant workers shifted to low-wage, unskilled work because of the political and social limitations imposed upon these groups. In the context of today’s AI-driven automation, I find that White workers are more heavily affected by automatability than other racial groups. Conversely, however, I found that the proportion of White workers in an occupation is negatively correlated with an occupation’s automatability. I conclude with suggestions for a susceptibility-based approach to predicting employment outcomes from AI-driven automation.

George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Post-Conflict Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Post Conflict

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.

scholarly journals Language features of program by S. Tihipko, Candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of ukraine information)

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 182-186
Author(s):  
Hanna Sytar ◽  
◽  
Maryna Rohova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Communicative Role

The article investigates linguistic features in program of presidential candidate S. Tihipko. Communicative roles of a political figure, implemented in program, identified and analyzed; language, representing these roles, is emphasized. The purpose of the article is to define the language features of program by S. Tihipko, candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of Ukraine information). It found that the image of a politician is an integral part in modern politics, and the so-called communicative image is a special consideration. One of his manifestations is the communicative role. Namely, the ability of a politician «to play» (to explain, to describe, to convey an idea, to idealize himself) in public. Because of that the phenomenon of communicative image is not well researched, there is not consensus on the definition of communicative role. In our survey we use O. Chorna’s classification, which distinguishes 16 communicative roles of a political leader, each of them has its own verbalizers and is characterized by a number of manipulative strategies. It was revealed, that features in program of 2010 presidential candidate S. Tihipko, the communicative role of «Competent Leader» is dominating. Vivid objectivators are: «I am the statements», perfect verbs to indicate future actions (analytical form of the future tense), verbs with the meaning of effectiveness, efficiency. The main image-creating communicative strategies are: appealing to basic needs (life, health, safety, peace); appealing to family values; accumulation of problems that implies future changes; a strategy of inclusive, unity with the people. Among figurative appeals, metaphors attract attention. Distinctive of the candidate's election program was the use of several interconnected communicative roles (Competent Leader, Responsible, Unity Leader and Believer). The political tagline of S. Tihipko is analyzed, on which the main idea of his election campaign is concentrated. Dominant communicative role of S. Tihipko «Competent Leader» represents the candidate as a worthy head of state, coordinator of all political processes, emphasizes his professionalism, determination, responsibility. S. Tihipko's election program appeals to both the minds of Ukrainian citizens and emotions. Exactly, the latter are drawn to the figurative references used in the text of the political agenda. The prospect of further research is to trace the linguistic features of the political programs of other well-known Ukrainian politicians, as well as to compare the communicative roles played and the linguistic means used to design them.

scholarly journals Abkhazia – 2019: from Khajimba to Khajimba

2019 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
V. Novikov
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
The Third ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

The paper considers the course and outcomes of 2019 Presidential election campaign in Abkhazia as well as factors that stipulated its character (postponement of elections because of Aslan Bzhania’s disease, the number of contenders, etc.). The alignment of forces before the campaign is outlined, and the principal contenders are characterized, together with political forces that promoted them. A due attention is paid to the extraordinary polycentrism of Abkhaz politics, in  which not only the authority, opposition and the “third force” but also various electoral competitors of both the authority and the opposition, as well as numerous contenders to the role of the “third force” co-exist. Such disposition led to scattering of the electorate at the presidential election. The course of the electoral campaign is scrutinized with an emphasis put on the analysis of programmatic provisions of the contenders and their political style. The political maneuvers of the authority, opposition and Alexander Ankvab’ team between two rounds of the elections are traced. A special attention is paid to the causes of Raul Khajimba’s victory. The situation after the elections is also considered in the paper, and a prognosis is suggested of possible development.

scholarly journals Between “us” and “them”: political subjectivities in the shadows of the 2018 brazilian election

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. e160722
Author(s):  
Charles Klein ◽  
Milena Mateuzi Carmo ◽  
Alessandra Tavares
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Household Survey ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Depth Interviews

This article examines political subjectivities, community engagements and voting practices among residents of São Paulo’s Zona Sul peripheries in the three years preceding Brazil’s 2018 presidential election. Building on a 398-person household survey, 46 in-depth interviews, and extensive participation observation over the course of a four-year study, we argue that although most residents of our study communities across the political spectrum are disenchanted with institutional politics, many maintain political engagement through their everyday lives, including activism centered on intersectional identities and state-sponsored violence/genocide. Our discussion combines statistical analysis and auto-ethnographic inflected vignettes and is in dialogue with two common themes present in recent analyses of the Brazilian political landscape: the role of urban periphery voters in the election of Bolsonaro, and the complex connections between moralities and political subjectivities. In conclusion, we reflect on opportunities and challenges for progressive political engagement in the (post)Bolsonaro era.

scholarly journals PENGARUH PROGRAM TELEVISI DETAK KEPRI DAN OPINI PUBLIK TERHADAP SIKAP PEMILIH DI KOTA BATAM

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
News Program ◽  
People’S Attitudes

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.

scholarly journals People of Color, People of Faith: The Effect of Social Capital and Religion on the Political Participation of Marginalized Communities

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Andrea Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Religious Tradition ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
The Political ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Public Programs ◽  
Marginalized Communities ◽  
Multiplicative Effect

U.S. immigration policy over the last 100 years has changed the onus of political acculturation from public programs to private groups like churches. After this significant policy change, how do religion, social capital, and nativity intersect in the political mobilization of racial minorities? Furthermore, after the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, the country of origin of immigrants shifted from European countries to Latin America and Asia. Scholars have theorized that churches play a pivotal role in the socialization of immigrants by providing a place of belonging and a community willing to teach newcomers about the goings-on of American political society. How have these acculturation policies worked under new immigration populations? Previous scholarly work has connected social capital with churches, though their relationship to political participation has been minimal. We hypothesize that social capital and religious tradition have a multiplicative effect on the participation rates of believers, but that race mitigates that effect. The positioning of racial groups in broader society impacts the significance and role of churches within these communities. We use Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) 2016 data to examine the connection between social capital, religion, and political behavior in a novel attempt to systematically identify the unique role of churches in the mobilization of racial minority communities. We use these results to suggest that the current policies of privatizing political acculturation have had less success with more recent waves of immigrants.

Moral Foundations, System Justification, and Support for Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election

The Forum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron C. Weinschenk ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Justification ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Voter Decision Making

Abstract We examine the role of moral foundations and system justification in explaining support for Donald Trump in the 2016 general election using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. A number of important findings emerge. First, we find that there are important partisan and ideological differences when it comes to moral foundations and system justification. Second, we find that moral foundations predict support for Trump above and beyond traditional determinants of vote choice such as ideology, partisanship, religiosity, and demographic characteristics. Third, we find that a measure of political system justification is not related to vote choice in our sample. This casts doubt on the idea that support for Trump was mostly about protesting the political system. This paper adds to the growing body of research showing that psychological concepts and theories are important in understanding voter decision-making in the 2016 presidential election and in elections more generally.

The Civil War and Reconstruction

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Crowe
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
Reconstruction Era

This chapter focuses on the empowerment of the federal judiciary from the Compromise of 1850 (admitting California into the Union as a free state and unofficially signifying the beginning of the political crisis leading to the Civil War) to the Compromise of 1877 (settling the disputed 1876 presidential election between Samuel J. Tilden and Rutherford B. Hayes and representing the formal end of Reconstruction). The chapter asks why judicial institution building was pursued, how it was accomplished, and what it achieved within the context of mid-nineteenth century American politics. It examines the role of Republicans in Civil War and Reconstruction era institution building and how it resulted in a significant expansion of federal judicial power. It also considers the four stages in which the substantial empowerment of the judiciary occurred during the period, including the consolidation of a Republican-friendly Supreme Court through ameliorative reforms aimed at specific problems of judicial performance.

scholarly journals Activism as political action in Uganda: The role of social media

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florence Namasinga Selnes ◽  
Kristin Skare Orgeret
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Divide

The article discusses political activism in Uganda and the role of social media. It focuses on two specific cases, the 2011 ‘Walk-to-Work’ and the 2017 ‘Pads4Girls’ campaigns in order to contribute to better understanding of the ever-evolving dynamic between political activism and the media in such campaigns. A disputed presidential election in 2011 in Uganda prompted opposition politicians to call nationwide protests. The architects of the protests hoped this would eventually lead to the downfall of Museveni’s newly elected government. The ‘Pads4Girls’ campaign on the other hand, was spearheaded by a female academic activist and provoked unprecedented response from politicians across the political divide, activists and unaffiliated individuals who added weight to the campaign. The article’s discussions feed into a broader conversation on the interaction of media and politics in semi-democratic contexts such as Uganda, where attempts to curtail media freedom and freedom of expression are frequent.

scholarly journals Political economy of Belarus, the evolution of Belorussian-Russian relations, and the 2020 political crisis

2020 ◽  
pp. 133-149
Author(s):  
Y. Tsarik
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Exact Form ◽  
Good Relationship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

The 2020 political crisis in Belarus erupted against the backdrop of major confrontation in the Belarus–Russia relations. The article looks into the role of Russia and domestic Belarusian factors in creating prerequisites for this political crisis. Since the 1990s, good relationship with Russia have been the source of not only the “integration rent” for Minsk, keeping the specific Belarusian economic model working, but also of the political support from Moscow provided both directly (for instance, through positive coverage of the Belarusian agenda by those Russian federal media that were popular in Belarus) and in indirect forms, such as through maintaining overall positive image of the bilateral relationship. Russia’s role was important for maintaining the loyalty of each major social group at the core of Lukashenko’s support base. Deterioration of the Belarus–Russia relations in 2004–2006, 2008–2010, and 2018–2020 expectedly led to political and economic crises in Belarus. As, by the start of presidential election campaign in Belarus in 2020, Moscow withdrew its main types of support to Lukashenko’s regime, a political crisis was expectable. However, the exact form and scenario of the crisis was shaped by domestic factors, as well as by the country’s leadership’s response to Russia’s pressure. Those domestic factors included accumulated mistakes, disbalances, and dysfunctions in the actions taken by the Belarusian authorities since the late 2016 through 2020. Errors such as the mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic were among the immediate triggers of the 2020 crisis. The 2020 developments thus demonstrated a major breakdown of previously effective Belarusian preventive authoritarianism. The internal drivers and dynamics of this breakdown require a more profound study.

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