The Future of Public Participation in Science Policy

Author(s):  
JON D. MILLER
The Lancet ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 378 (9793) ◽  
pp. 838-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven L Gortmaker ◽  
Boyd A Swinburn ◽  
David Levy ◽  
Rob Carter ◽  
Patricia L Mabry ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmet Geys Elseyidissa ◽  
◽  
Zein Hbous

After any disaster that happens, whether natural or war, all governments and organizations accelerate to respond at all levels, humanitarian and others, to restore the damage. If this disaster is huge, it will result in a great change so that what comes after it does not resemble what it was before. In this study, it will be discussed how to respond effectively and how local and foreign authorities can cooperate to achieve the required response. Measuring the effectiveness of disaster response is not by the speed of this response, despite its importance, but the nature of intervention and its effects on the lives of people. It’s important to measure whether this intervention leads to the strengthening of urban aspects and increases the public participation and whether it gives stability to the city and population or not, and to what extent this intervention defines the future of this city in general.


Author(s):  
Bruce K. Rutherford

This chapter observes that the path of institutional change advocated by market liberals shares important areas of agreement with the reforms advocated by supporters of liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism. Each of these groups favors the creation of a more liberal state with effective constraints on its power, a clear and unbiased legal code, and protection of civil and political rights. However, there is no comparable degree of consensus on the value of broadening public participation in politics. This fact suggests that liberalism and democracy have become de-linked in the Egyptian case. Liberalism is likely to progress steadily in the future, while democracy is likely to advance slowly and unevenly. This trajectory may eventually lead to democracy at some point in the future, particularly if liberalism enhances the private sector's independence from the state and leads to a more autonomous and politically active middle class. However, this outcome is not inevitable.


MAZAHIB ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Rofii

The making of the 2004 Constitution was a significant moment amidst the continuing conflicts in Afghanistan. It was an attempt to transform differences and conflicts into a shared agenda for the future of the country. The process of constitution-making in Afghanistan was marked by intense negotiations between the international community and actors, on the one hand, and domestic actors, on the other. The outcome would be called a “win-win solution”. This essay focuses on the making of the Islam-related clauses: How was the public participation? How has the negotiation been undertaken? What was the result and why? This essay is an attempt to answer those questions. It will argue that the process of constitution-making in Afghanistan particularly with regard to the Islam clauses is the acts of negotiations between different competing actors. The Constitution is the product of negotiations not only between international and domestic actors, but also between domestic actors. As evident in the making of the Islam clauses, these negotiations might be characterized as between puritan Islamist and more moderate Muslim actors.Pembuatan Konstitusi Afghanistan tahun 2004 adalah momen penting di tengah konflik yang terus berkecamuk. Ia merupakan upaya untuk mentranformasi perbedaan dan konflik menjadi agenda bersama bagi masa depan negeri ini. Proses pembuatan konstitusi Afghanistan ditandai oleh negosiasi yang intens antara masyarakat dan aktor-aktor international di satu sisi, dan aktor-aktor domestik di sisi lain. Hasilnya dapat disebut ‘win-win solution’. Tulisan ini fokus pada pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam: Bagaimana partisipasi publiknya? Bagaimana negosiasi dilakukan? Apa hasil dan mengapa? Tulisan ini adalah upaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut. Ia akan beragumen bahwa proses pembuatan Konstitusi di Afghanistan khususnya terkait dengan klausul-klausul Islam merupakan tindakan negosiasi antara aktor-aktor yang berbeda. Konstitusi Afghanistan tidak saja merupakan produk negosiasi antara aktor-aktor internasional dan domestik, tetapi juga di antara aktor-aktor domestik itu sendiri. Sebagaimana terbukti dari pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam, negosiasi-negosiasi tersebut dapat dikarakteristikan sebagai negosiasi antara aktor puritan Islamis and aktor yang lebih moderat.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tina Nabatchi ◽  
Suyeon Jo

Author(s):  
David Judge ◽  
Cristina Leston-Bandeira ◽  
Louise Thompson

This concluding chapter reflects on the future of parliamentary politics by identifying key puzzles implicit in previous discussions which raise fundamental questions about what Parliament is and why it exists. The goal is to determine the ‘predictable unknowns’ as starting points for exploring the future. Three principal puzzles that need ‘hard thinking’ in order to understand legislatures are considered: representation, collective decision-making, and their role in the political system. The chapter also examines the difficulties in reconciling ideas about popular sovereignty and direct public participation with notions of parliamentary sovereignty and indirect public participation in decision-making; the implications of the legislative task of disentangling UK law from EU law in the wake of Brexit for Parliament's recent strengthened scrutiny capacity; and how Parliament has integrated the core principles of representation, consent, and authorization into the legitimation of state policy-making processes and their outputs.


Author(s):  
Helen Pallett

Background:Debates about evidence-based policy (EBP) were revived in the UK in the 2010s in the context of civil service reform and changing practices of policy making, including institutionalisation of public participation in science policy making. Aims and objectives:This paper aims to explore this revival of interest in EBP in the context of the Government-funded public participation programme Sciencewise, which supports and promotes public dialogues in science policy making. It is based on in-depth ethnographic study of the programme during 2013, considering the impacts on Sciencewise practices and working understandings of engaging in the EBP debate. There is a particular focus on the advantages and disadvantages of categorising public participation as a source of evidence-based policy as opposed to presenting participation as a democratic act which is separate from discussions of EBP. Key conclusions:At different times Sciencewise actors moved between these stances in order to gain credibility and attention for their work, and to situate the outcomes of public participation processes in a broader policy context. In some instances the presentation of outputs from public participation processes as legitimate evidence for policy gave them greater influence and enriched broader discussions about the meaning and practice of open policy. However, it also frequently led to their dismissal on methodological grounds, inhibiting serious engagement with their outputs and challenging internal frameworks for evaluation and learning.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (7) ◽  
pp. 876-896 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirils Makarovs ◽  
Peter Achterberg

In this article, we analyze Special Eurobarometer (2010) data via multilevel regression modeling and answer two questions: (a) How a country’s democratization level is related to the rate of public engagement with science and (b) who are those citizens who participate in science policy-shaping and express their approval for democratic governance of science? Reflexive modernization and institutional alienation perspectives are used to examine those issues. It has been shown that more democratic societies on average have higher rates of public participation in science and support for democratic control of it. Moreover, those well educated and knowledgeable in the topic of science are more likely to engage with science, which supports the reflexive modernization perspective. However, distrust in scientists being considered as an indicator of institutional alienation from science is also crucial in both predicting actual engagement and support for public control over it.


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