Multimodal cohesion in persuasive discourse: A case study of televised campaign advertisements in the 2020 US presidential election

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 100537
Author(s):  
Christoph Schubert
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick A. Stewart ◽  
Carl Senior ◽  
Reagan Dye ◽  
Erik P. Bucy

President Ronald Reagan’s expert use of media and his charismatic connection with viewers earned him the moniker “the great communicator”. This study examines one aspect of his charisma, the influence of elicited laughter, during a much-discussed and highly critical 5-minute news story by CBS reporter Leslie Stahl during the 1984 US presidential election. Production choices regarding observable audience responses (OAR) on viewer perceptions of politicians have not been extensively studied. The focus of the present study is to explore the effects of audience laughter on perceived leadership traits. Two experiments examining the mediating effects of audience laughter on perceptions of presidential leadership are reported. The first shows that perceptions of Reagan’s perceived warmth significantly diminish when strong laughter is removed from the presentation, whereas perceptions of competence remain unaffected. The second study proposes a between-subjects experiment (preregistered report) to confirm and extend the findings of the first study by considering trait charisma and the influence of specific humorous comments that are accompanied by laughter.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evi Aryati Arbay ◽  
Julian Aldrin Pasha ◽  
Ari Santoso Widodo

The effect from COVID-19 pandemic has changed how presidential candidates do their political campaigns. The restriction to do social distancing makes the usual campaign not doable. That’s why presidential candidates need to find another way for their political campaign, which is by doing things digitally. This digitally driven changes can have its advantages and disadvantages. In this paper we discuss about the consequences of the changes in political campaigns in digital form or through social media for democratic societies in US presidential election. We use qualitative descriptive with case study method. In this paper we use secondary data such as research journals that’s related to this topic, documentation and articles. We find that the changes to digital campaigning have its own pros and cons that can affect how politicians do their campaigns on their social media platforms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-105
Author(s):  
Jason Ruiz

This essay reflects on the campus sanctuary movement that accelerated in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 US presidential election, focusing on the promises and pitfalls for activists who pushed to have their campuses declared sanctuaries for undocumented students, staff, and faculty. It offers a personal case study that relates to the nationwide push for campus sanctuary.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evi Aryati Arbay ◽  
◽  
Julian Aldrin Pasha ◽  
Ari Santoso Widodo

The effect from COVID-19 pandemic has changed how presidential candidates do their political campaigns. The restriction to do social distancing makes the usual campaign not doable. That’s why presidential candidates need to find another way for their political campaign, which is by doing things digitally. This digitally driven changes can have its advantages and disadvantages. In this paper we discuss about the consequences of the changes in political campaigns in digital form or through social media for democratic societies in US presidential election. We use qualitative descriptive with case study method. In this paper we use secondary data such as research journals that’s related to this topic, documentation and articles. We find that the changes to digital campaigning have its own pros and cons that can affect how politicians do their campaigns on their social media platforms.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Pettis

This thesis examines Internet memes, a unique medium that has the capability to easily and seamlessly transfer ideologies between groups. It argues that these media can potentially enable subcultures to challenge, and possibly overthrow, hegemonic power structures that maintain the dominance of a mainstream culture. I trace the meme from its creation by Matt Furie in 2005 to its appearance in the 2016 US Presidential Election and examine how its meaning has changed throughout its history. I define the difference between a meme instance and the meme as a whole, and conclude that the meaning of the overall meme is formed by the sum of its numerous meme instances. This structure is unique to the medium of Internet memes and is what enables subcultures to use them to easily transfer ideologies in order to challenge the hegemony of dominant cultures.Dick Hebdige provides a model by which a dominant culture can reclaim the images and symbols used by a subculture through the process of commodification. Using the Pepe the Frog meme as a case study, I argue that Hebdige’s commodification model does not apply to Internet memes, because traditional concepts of ownership and control affect Internet memes differently. As such, the medium enables subcultures to claim and redefine an image to challenge a dominant culture. Unlike with other forms of media, it is difficult for the dominant culture to exert its power or control over Internet memes. Internet memes, therefore, have significant real-world implications and potential to empower subcultures.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Debbage ◽  
Nick Gonsalves ◽  
J. Marshall Shepherd ◽  
John A. Knox

2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110292
Author(s):  
Madhavi Reddi ◽  
Rachel Kuo ◽  
Daniel Kreiss

This article develops the concept of “identity propaganda,” or narratives that strategically target and exploit identity-based differences in accord with pre-existing power structures to maintain hegemonic social orders. In proposing and developing the concept of identity propaganda, we especially aim to help researchers find new insights into their data on misinformation, disinformation, and propaganda by outlining a framework for unpacking layers of historical power relations embedded in the content they analyze. We focus on three forms of identity propaganda: othering narratives that alienate and marginalize non-white or non-dominant groups; essentializing narratives that create generalizing tropes of marginalized groups; and authenticating narratives that call upon people to prove or undermine their claims to be part of certain groups. We demonstrate the utility of this framework through our analysis of identity propaganda around Vice President Kamala Harris during the 2020 US presidential election.


European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110046
Author(s):  
Sandra Kalniete ◽  
Tomass Pildegovičs

Against the backdrop of the deterioration of EU–Russia relations in recent years, there has been a shift in the awareness of hybrid threats all across the Union. At the same time, there is evidence of a growing political will to strengthen resilience to these threats. While hostile foreign actors have long deployed hybrid methods to target Europe, Russia’s intervention in Ukraine in 2014, interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and repeated cyber-attacks and disinformation campaigns aimed at EU member states have marked a turning point, exposing Western countries’ unpreparedness and vulnerability to these threats. This article analyses the EU’s resilience to hybrid warfare from institutional, regulatory and societal perspectives, with a particular focus on the information space. By drawing on case studies from member states historically at the forefront of resisting and countering Russian-backed disinformation campaigns, this article outlines the case for a whole-of-society approach to countering hybrid threats and underscores the need for EU leadership in a standard-setting capacity.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document