Ethnic differences in birth gender ratio responses in the United States after the September 11 Attacks and the President Kennedy assassination

ABSTRACT In the fall of 2001, Bacillus anthracis spores were spread through letters mailed in the United States. Twenty-two people are known to have been infected, and five of these individuals died. Together with the September 11 attacks, this resulted in a reevaluation of the risks and benefits of life science research with the potential for misuse. In this editorial, we review some of the results of these discussions and their implications for the future.

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Death from Above

The Drone Age ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190635862.003.0003 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 55-95

Author(s):

Michael J. Boyle

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Al Qaeda ◽

Targeted Killing ◽

Conflict Zones ◽

Physical Risk ◽

September 11 Attacks

Chapter 3 argues that drones undermine the legal and ethical prohibitions on assassination and extrajudicial violence outside of wartime. It traces the emergence of the practice of targeted killing from its origin to its embrace by the United States after the September 11 attacks. It shows how the United States adopted the use of drones alongside the practice of targeted killing to control risks as it fought a new war against al Qaeda, but found itself gradually drifting into more conflict zones and fighting new enemies. While the United States used drones to protect its pilots from physical risk, it altered the nature of the risks they faced and created new ones for the population who live under the drones. Drones also subtly changed how the United States wages its wars, making it more willing to countenance killing people outside of active battlefields. It concludes by discussing how more countries are now experimenting with targeting killings.

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U.S. Supreme Court Denies Certiorari in Habeas Case Brought by Guantánamo Bay Detainee Challenging His Continuing Detention

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.1017/ajil.2019.64 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 113 (4) ◽

pp. 849-855

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Supreme Court ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Habeas Corpus ◽

Past Time ◽

Guantanamo Bay ◽

The Supreme Court ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

The U.S

On June 10, 2019, the Supreme Court denied certiorari in a case in which the D.C. Circuit held that the United States could continue to detain an individual at Guantánamo Bay until the cessation of the hostilities that justified his initial detention, notwithstanding the extraordinary length of the hostilities to date. The case, Al-Alwi v. Trump, arises from petitioner Moath Hamza Ahmed Al-Alwi's petition for a writ of habeas corpus challenging the legality of his continued detention at the United States Naval Base at Guantánamo Bay. The Supreme Court's denial of certiorari was accompanied by a statement by Justice Breyer observing that “it is past time to confront the difficult question” of how long a detention grounded in the U.S. response to the September 11 attacks can be justified.

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Crisis Agenda-Setting and Aviation Security Policy After the September 11 Attacks

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1595 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Zachary R. Lewis ◽

Kathryn L. Schwaeble ◽

Thomas A. Birkland

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Security Policy ◽

Aviation Security ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Terrorist Attacks ◽

Aviation Industry ◽

Policy Changes ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

September 11 Terrorist Attacks

The September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States were a focusing event that greatly increased attention to particularly large acts of terrorism as a threat to the United States and to particular interests. One of these interests is the aviation industry. The September 11 attacks exploited features of the aviation industry that made it prone to attack and that made an attack on this industry particularly vivid and attention-grabbing. The September 11 attacks led to policy changes in the United States and around the world with respect to aviation security, but those changes were not made in a vacuum. The changes that followed the September 11 attacks were made possible by efforts to learn from the range of aviation security incidents and challenges that have faced commercial aviation throughout its history. While the September 11 attacks were shocking and seemed novel, prior experience with aviation security crises provided those working in the aviation security policy realm with potential responses. The responses were drawn from a set of politically feasible responses that addressed the lapses in security demonstrated by terrorist attacks. The history of policy changes related to terrorism in aviation parallel the changes to policies that were made across the board in response to the elevation of terrorism on the agenda.

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Muslim “Homegrown” Terrorism in the United States: How Serious Is the Threat?

International Security ◽

10.1162/isec_a_00055 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 36 (2) ◽

pp. 7-47 ◽

Cited By ~ 26

Author(s):

Risa A. Brooks

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Terrorist Attacks ◽

Muslim Americans ◽

Muslim American ◽

Public Officials ◽

The Third ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

Homegrown Terrorism

Since the September 11 attacks, analysts and public officials have expressed growing concern about the potential of Muslim citizens and residents of the United States to plot attacks within the country's borders—a phenomenon sometimes referred to as “homegrown” terrorism. To assess this apparent threat, it is necessary to examine what is known about the willingness and capacity of Muslim Americans to execute deadly attacks in the United States. Three conditions, either alone or together, could contribute to an increasing threat of homegrown terrorism. The first concerns what is known about the radicalization of Muslim Americans and whether a surge in arrests in 2009 indicates a growing trend in Muslim American terrorism. The second relates to the capacity of aspiring militants to avoid detection as they prepare attacks. The third depends on the skills of aspiring terrorists and therefore their capacities to execute increasingly sophisticated attacks. The analysis should be generally reassuring to those concerned about Muslim homegrown terrorism. On both analytical and empirical grounds, there is not a significant basis for anticipating that Muslim Americans are increasingly motivated or capable of successfully engaging in lethal terrorist attacks in the United States.

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The Saudi Political System and the Calculations of the New Balances in the Middle East

RUDN Journal of Public Administration ◽

10.22363/2312-8313-2021-8-3-336-346 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 8 (3) ◽

pp. 336-346

Author(s):

Abdullah H. Othman

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Saudi Arabia ◽

Middle East ◽

Regional Integration ◽

Political Influence ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Religious Dimensions ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

The Relationship

This article highlights the role of Saudi Arabia in the process of regional integration and the establishment of new balances of power in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia is arguably one of the most important states in the region in terms of power, economy and diplomacy. Its power is not only limited to political influence, but also carries with it religious dimensions that helped to shape and escalate regional situation as manifested through Saudi Arabias attempts to contain non-Arab forces to establish privileged relations with them from a national or Islamic perspective .Saudi Arabia has stepped up military agreements to ensure regional balance in the Middle East, one of the most important international regions. The stability of the region is considered to be of international concern. It is against this backdrop that Saudi Arabia competes for influence in the Middle East. In addition to the events of September 11, 2001, which negatively affected the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States of America, especially after the accusations made by the United States against Saudi Arabia and accused it of supporting the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks, the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia was strained. Saudi Arabia began to look for a new partner that would have considerable political weight, and in Russia found what it was looking for. The relationship between Saudi Arabia and the Russian Federation began to develop gradually despite the absence of political exchange and cooperation between the two parties for a long time, and this relationship took the form of expansion to include the field of diplomatic representation and the conclusion of economic and oil agreements and in various other fields represents the political rapprochement between the two countries.

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Conclusion

Terrorists as Monsters ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190927875.003.0008 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 176-184

Author(s):

Marco Pinfari

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

World War Ii ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

World War ◽

Japanese People ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

British Press

In 1882, the assassination of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Thomas Burke, his Undersecretary, in Phoenix Park, Dublin, was presented in the British press as the action of an oversized, murderous, and uncontrollable Frankenstein’s monster. In the last phases of World War II, the Japanese people were portrayed in the United States as a swarm of mouse-toothed, pest–human hybrids that deserved to be exterminated. In cartoons published in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, a many-headed hydra representing “terrorist states” had one head—“Al-Qaida”—severed, while two newer snake-heads sprouted in its place and others, including those named “Hamas,” “Hezbollah,” and “al-Jihad,” lurked in the shadow waiting for their turn to strike Uncle Sam....

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The Case Against Military Commissions

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.2307/2693928 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 96 (2) ◽

pp. 337-344 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Harold Hongju Koh

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

World Trade ◽

World Trade Center ◽

Federal Court ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

International Terrorism ◽

The World ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

Trade Center

In January 2002, Zacarias Moussaoui, a French national of Moroccan descent, pleaded not guilty in Virginia federal court to six counts of conspiring to commit acts of international terrorism in connection with the September 11 attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center. In other times, it would have seemed unremarkable for someone charged with conspiring to murder American citizens and destroy American property on American soil to be tried in a U.S. civilian court. More than two centuries ago, Article I, Section 8, Clause 10 of the United States Constitution granted Congress the power to "define and punish Piracies, Felonies committed on the High Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations," a power that Congress immediately exercised by criminalizing piracy, the eighteenth-century version of modern terrorism. Since then, Congress has criminalized numerous other international offenses. In recent decades, United States courts have decided criminal cases convicting international hijackers, terrorists, and drug smugglers, as well as a string of well-publicized civil lawsuits adjudicating gross human rights violations. Most pertinent, federal prosecutors have successfully tried and convicted in U.S. courts numerous members of Al Qaeda, the very terrorist group charged with planning the September 11 attacks, for earlier attacks on the World Trade Center and the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya.

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Terrified

10.23943/princeton/9780691159423.001.0001 ◽

2014 ◽

Cited By ~ 22

Author(s):

Christopher A. Bail

Keyword(s):

Public Discourse ◽

The United States ◽

September 11 ◽

Theoretical Argument ◽

Muslim Americans ◽

Media Messages ◽

American Media ◽

The Face ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

The Public Sphere

In July 2010, Terry Jones, the pastor of a small fundamentalist church in Florida, announced plans to burn two hundred Qur'ans on the anniversary of the September 11 attacks. Though he ended up canceling the stunt in the face of widespread public backlash, his threat sparked violent protests across the Muslim world that left at least twenty people dead. This book demonstrates how the beliefs of fanatics like Jones are inspired by a rapidly expanding network of anti-Muslim organizations that exert profound influence on American understanding of Islam. The book traces how the anti-Muslim narrative of the political fringe has captivated large segments of the American media, government, and general public, validating the views of extremists who argue that the United States is at war with Islam and marginalizing mainstream Muslim-Americans who are uniquely positioned to discredit such claims. Drawing on cultural sociology, social network theory, and social psychology, the book shows how anti-Muslim organizations gained visibility in the public sphere, commandeered a sense of legitimacy, and redefined the contours of contemporary debate, shifting it ever outward toward the fringe. The book illustrates the author's pioneering theoretical argument through a big-data analysis of more than one hundred organizations struggling to shape public discourse about Islam, tracing their impact on hundreds of thousands of newspaper articles, television transcripts, legislative debates, and social media messages produced since the September 11 attacks. The book also features in-depth interviews with the leaders of these organizations, providing a rare look at how anti-Muslim organizations entered the American mainstream.

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