scholarly journals Perception of corruption and public support for redistribution in Latin America

Author(s):  
Esther Hauk ◽  
Mónica Oviedo ◽  
Xavier Ramos
Keyword(s):  
Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (12) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Marc Levinson

"Borrowers should pay their debts." Most Americans would agree with this maxim and would probably apply it to debtor countries as well. There is little sympathy in evidence for the debtors, and even less for the money-center banks whose capital is badly at risk in Latin America. The discussions of such esoterica as International Monetary Fund loans, special drawing rights, and debt refinancing bring yawns. Undoubtedly, the Reagan administration's view that debt is a private matter, to be resolved between debtor countries and their creditor banks, enjoys wide public support.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Dingeman ◽  
Yekaterina Arzhayev ◽  
Cristy Ayala ◽  
Erika Bermudez ◽  
Lauren Padama ◽  
...  

The United States deported 24,870 women in 2013, mostly to Latin America. We examine life history interviews with Mexican and Central American women who were apprehended, detained, and experienced different outcomes. We find that norms of the “crimmigration era” override humanitarian concerns, such that the state treats migrants as criminals first and as persons with claims for relief second. Removal and relief decisions appear less dependent on eligibility than geography, access to legal aid, and public support. Women’s experiences parallel men’s but are often worsened by their gendered statuses. Far from passively accepting the violence of crimmigration, women resist through discourse and activism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 153-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon I. Smithey ◽  
Mary Fran T. Malone

Abstract Crime poses a formidable obstacle to democratization in many parts of the developing world. New democracies in Central America and sub-Saharan Africa face some of the highest homicide rates in the world. Politicians, citizens, and policy-makers have raised the alarm about the growing tide of criminality. Public insecurity, coupled with inefficient and often corrupt justice systems, makes democratization uncertain. Even if new democracies do not revert to dictatorship, the quality of democracy may suffer if crime continues to rise. One particularly vulnerable component of democracy is the rule of law, as public insecurity may fuel support for extra-legal justice, and a willingness to disregard the law while aggressively pursuing suspected criminals. To test these relationships, we assess the ways in which criminal victimization, as well as fear of crime, affect citizen support for the rule of law. We utilize public opinion data collected in select countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa through two widely used sources – the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and the Afrobarometer surveys.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Hauk ◽  
Mónica Oviedo ◽  
Xavier Ramos
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Judith Teichman

Washington Consensus policies evolved over time, both in Washington and among Latin American policymakers. These policies, involving trade liberalization and privatization (among other measures), were widely adopted in the region by the early 1990s. A generation of scholarly work sought to explain how and why Latin American countries embarked on economic reforms that governments had strongly resisted in the past. While many researchers focused on the top-down nature of the market-liberalization process, others called attention to its pluralist character and argued that the process had considerable public support. When the original Consensus ideas proved ineffective in promoting growth and improved living standards, technocratic Washington added new policies. By the early 2000s, Washington’s goal became that of reducing poverty while ensuring the completion of the original Washington Consensus reforms. In Latin America, however, there was a growing disillusionment with the original reform agenda and a strong challenge to key reforms. With the rise of social mobilization critical of neoliberal reforms and the election of left regimes challenging their main precepts, scholarship turned to a discussion of the nature of the new regimes and the extent to which their policies deviated from the Washington Consensus (both its original formulation and the later expanded version). While most scholars identify the left leaders of Ecuador, Bolivia, and particularly Venezuela, as offering the greatest challenges to neoliberalism, there is no consensus on the extent of the challenge to neoliberalism presented by Latin America’s left regimes. Research has also given attention to the rising demand of China for Latin American commodities as a key ingredient in the region’s left turn away from neoliberalism. The fall in commodity prices, however, set the stage for a resurgence of the political right, its business supporters, and the re-introduction of some key aspects of the original Washington Consensus.


2020 ◽  
pp. 215336872092034
Author(s):  
Peter S. Lehmann ◽  
Cecilia Chouhy ◽  
Alexa J. Singer ◽  
Jessica N. Stevens ◽  
Marc Gertz

The group threat perspective has been tested with regard to a variety of social control outcomes, including public support for punitive crime control policies. However, little work has explored possible interactive effects between macro-level racial/ethnic contexts, individual-level racial/ethnic animus, and race/ethnicity on punitive attitudes, and none of this research has been conducted outside the United States. The current study is the first to examine these interrelationships in Latin America, which is characterized by notable racial/ethnic stratification and recent movements toward authoritarian criminal justice strategies. Analyses of data from the AmericasBarometer survey collected in 633 municipalities within 10 countries ( N = 16,782) reveal that (1) racial/ethnic animus is consistently predictive of support for harsher punishments, (2) the effect of being White on punitiveness is conditioned by Indigenous population size at the municipal level, and (3) the interactive effects of being White and holding anti-Black animus are further moderated by municipal-level percent Black/Mulatto.


Author(s):  
Michele Lobina ◽  
Marco Bottone

This chapter studies the process of trust building in politics by using large data set on political behaviour in Latin America. The results yielded by developed models indicate specific elements as the most influential on the popular trust in institutions. These observed determinants were enclosed in five macro classes: cohesion of society; economic factors; electoral transparency; efficiency of judicial organs; and crime diffusion. The analysis of the public support in governments and parliaments revealed that certain variables have a direct impact on the stability of the Latin American democracies, while other factors merely determine the likelihood of a government's reappointment.


2019 ◽  
pp. 641-664
Author(s):  
Michele Lobina ◽  
Marco Bottone

This chapter studies the process of trust building in politics by using large data set on political behaviour in Latin America. The results yielded by developed models indicate specific elements as the most influential on the popular trust in institutions. These observed determinants were enclosed in five macro classes: cohesion of society; economic factors; electoral transparency; efficiency of judicial organs; and crime diffusion. The analysis of the public support in governments and parliaments revealed that certain variables have a direct impact on the stability of the Latin American democracies, while other factors merely determine the likelihood of a government's reappointment.


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