scholarly journals Neglected, Protected, Ejected: Latin American Women Caught by Crimmigration

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Dingeman ◽  
Yekaterina Arzhayev ◽  
Cristy Ayala ◽  
Erika Bermudez ◽  
Lauren Padama ◽  
...  

The United States deported 24,870 women in 2013, mostly to Latin America. We examine life history interviews with Mexican and Central American women who were apprehended, detained, and experienced different outcomes. We find that norms of the “crimmigration era” override humanitarian concerns, such that the state treats migrants as criminals first and as persons with claims for relief second. Removal and relief decisions appear less dependent on eligibility than geography, access to legal aid, and public support. Women’s experiences parallel men’s but are often worsened by their gendered statuses. Far from passively accepting the violence of crimmigration, women resist through discourse and activism.

1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-190
Author(s):  
William E. Gibbs

Seldom can one turn to the news without encountering disclosures exposing the magnitude and nature of United States covert operations designed to influence the disposition of political affairs in a number of countries. As usual, Latin America has come in for its share of clandestine attention, with Chile being the most publicized recent example. This certainly should not surprise anyone with even a superficial knowledge of Latin American history. Latin American countries, however, have themselves not been free of responsibility for domestic manipulation in the United States. Although their endeavors have not dramatically altered the course of hemispheric history, they on occasion have produced significant diplomatic gains. One such occasion took place in 1877 and 1878 when Mexico, under Porfirio Díaz, sponsored covert activities in the United States designed to evoke public support and thus to secure the much needed formal recognition.


1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa E. Ficek

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. e54056 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Jaime Miranda ◽  
Victor M. Herrera ◽  
Julio A. Chirinos ◽  
Luis F. Gómez ◽  
Pablo Perel ◽  
...  

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Wilkins B. Winn

The Republic of Colombia was the first Latin American nation to which the United States extended a formal act of recognition in 1822. This country was also the first of these new republics with which the United States negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation. The importance of incorporating the principle of religious liberty in our first commercial treaty with Latin America was revealed in the emphasis that John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, placed on it in his initial instructions to Richard Clough Anderson, Jr., Minister Plenipotentiary to Colombia. Religious liberty was one of the specific articles stipulated by Adams for insertion in the prospective commercial treaty.


Author(s):  
Adriana L Iñiguez-Carrillo ◽  
Laura S Gaytán-Lugo ◽  
Rocío Maciel-Arellano ◽  
Miguel A García-Ruiz ◽  
Daniel Aréchiga

This paper describes and analyzes the state of research in Voice User Interfaces (VUIs) in Latin America based on the review of scientific documents published in SCOPUS from 1999 to June 2020, through a bibliometric analysis. We analyzed 419 academic papers. Although a gradual increase is observed over the years, the number of published documents has increased considerably since 2014. Brazil (44%) and Mexico (28%) are the countries with more documents published. Co-authorship occurs between Latin American countries (Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Ecuador, and Costa Rica). However, the mayor collaboration from Latin American countries occurs with the United States, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and Japan. The main researched topics are studies of automatic speech recognition, artificial intelligence, speech processing, and human-computer interaction, which have grown over the past few years. Natural language processing, conversational agents, user experience, and chatbots are keywords related to more recent studies. Our analysis reveals that the primary active research developed in the short-term future are personal assistants and assistive technology using voice user interfaces.


Significance The GCC imports around 85% of the food its member countries consume domestically, and the share of Latin American products as a proportion of the GCC’s total food imports has increased from 10% in 2015 to almost 14% in 2019. Impacts Pandemic-induced adoption of innovations such as e-commerce will provide opportunities to expand food exports. Post-pandemic recovery in tourism may eventually boost the GCC’s need for food imports. Growth in other markets will be crucial to help reduce LAC’s dependence on key markets such as China and the United States.


Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.


2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (652) ◽  
pp. 51-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Shifter

Perennial questions in inter-American relations emerged more sharply than ever after September 11: Would the United States turn its attention away from Latin America and consign the region to irrelevance? Would the United States … attempt to impose a broad strategic design, in accord with its global antiterrorist campaign? Or would the United States take advantage of this moment and engage more proactively and constructively with its Latin American partners in pursuit of a shared agenda?


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