Building Trust in Politics

2016 ◽  
pp. 127-157
Author(s):  
Michele Lobina ◽  
Marco Bottone
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Large Data ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trust In Institutions ◽  
The Stability

This chapter studies the process of trust building in politics by using large data set on political behaviour in Latin America. The results yielded by developed models indicate specific elements as the most influential on the popular trust in institutions. These observed determinants were enclosed in five macro classes: cohesion of society; economic factors; electoral transparency; efficiency of judicial organs; and crime diffusion. The analysis of the public support in governments and parliaments revealed that certain variables have a direct impact on the stability of the Latin American democracies, while other factors merely determine the likelihood of a government's reappointment.

Building Trust in Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 641-664
Author(s):  
Michele Lobina ◽  
Marco Bottone
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Large Data ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trust In Institutions ◽  
The Stability

This chapter studies the process of trust building in politics by using large data set on political behaviour in Latin America. The results yielded by developed models indicate specific elements as the most influential on the popular trust in institutions. These observed determinants were enclosed in five macro classes: cohesion of society; economic factors; electoral transparency; efficiency of judicial organs; and crime diffusion. The analysis of the public support in governments and parliaments revealed that certain variables have a direct impact on the stability of the Latin American democracies, while other factors merely determine the likelihood of a government's reappointment.

scholarly journals PRAISE OF THE CONVERT: BELIEVE AND BELONG FROM THE CATHOLICITY OF LATIN AMERICA

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-339
Author(s):  
Felipe Gaytán Alcalá
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
The Church

Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.

Public policies of connectivity in Latin America in the context of COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Bernadette Califano ◽  
Martín Becerra
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Legal Regulations ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Status ◽  
Telecommunications Policies ◽  
Latin American Countries

This article analyses the digital policies introduced in different Latin American countries during the first three months after the outbreak of COVID-19 reached the region (March–June 2020). This analysis has a three-fold objective: (a) to give an overview of the status of connectivity in five big Latin American countries – Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Mexico; (b) to study comparatively the actions and regulations implemented on connectivity matters by the governments of each country to face the pandemic; and (c) to provide insights in relation with telecommunications policies in the context of pandemic emergence at a regional level. To that end, this study will consider legal regulations and specific public policies in this field, official documents from the public and private sectors, and statistics on ICT access and usage in the region.

Presidents’ Sex and Popularity: Baselines, Dynamics and Policy Performance

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1359-1379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan E Carlin ◽  
Miguel Carreras ◽  
Gregory J Love
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Gender Stereotypes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Gender And Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Performance ◽  
Female Presidents ◽  
Psychological Evidence

AbstractPublic approval is a crucial source of executive power in presidential systems. Does the public support female and male presidents similarly? Combining insights from gender and politics research with psychological evidence, this study theorizes sex-based differentials in popularity based on more general expectations linking gender stereotypes to diverging performance evaluations. Using quarterly analyses of eighteen Latin American democracies, South Korea and the Philippines, the analyses compare the levels, dynamics, and policy performance of macro-approval for male and female presidents. As expected, female presidents are less popular, experience exaggerated approval dynamics and their approval is more responsive to security and corruption (though not economic) outcomes. These findings have clear implications for our understandings of mass politics, political accountability and presidentialism.

scholarly journals Taxing Higher Incomes: What Makes the High-Income Earners Consent to More Progressive Taxation in Latin America?

2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Berens ◽  
Armin von Schiller
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
High Income ◽  
Public System ◽  
Progressive Taxation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trust In Institutions ◽  
Fiscal Contract ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Progressive Income Taxation

Abstract When do high-income earners get ‘on board’ with the fiscal contract and accept paying a larger share of the tax burden? Progressive taxes perform particularly poorly in developing countries. We argue that the common opposition of the affluent to more progressive taxation is not merely connected to administrative limitations to coercively enforce compliance, but also to the uncertainty that high-income earners associate with the returns to taxes. Because coercion is not an option, there is a need to convince high-income earners to ‘invest’ in the public system via taxes. Trust in institutions is decisive for the fiscal contract. Expecting that paid contributions will be used in a sensible manner, high-income earners will be more supportive of progressive income taxation. We study tax composition preferences of a cross-section of Latin American countries using public opinion data from LAPOP for 2012. Findings reveal that higher levels of trust in political institutions strongly mitigate the opposition of the affluent towards more progressive taxation.

scholarly journals Neglected, Protected, Ejected: Latin American Women Caught by Crimmigration

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Dingeman ◽  
Yekaterina Arzhayev ◽  
Cristy Ayala ◽  
Erika Bermudez ◽  
Lauren Padama ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Life History ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
American Women

The United States deported 24,870 women in 2013, mostly to Latin America. We examine life history interviews with Mexican and Central American women who were apprehended, detained, and experienced different outcomes. We find that norms of the “crimmigration era” override humanitarian concerns, such that the state treats migrants as criminals first and as persons with claims for relief second. Removal and relief decisions appear less dependent on eligibility than geography, access to legal aid, and public support. Women’s experiences parallel men’s but are often worsened by their gendered statuses. Far from passively accepting the violence of crimmigration, women resist through discourse and activism.

Pentecostalism and Neo-Pentecostalism in Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 289-307
Author(s):  
Virginia Garrard ◽  
Justin M. Doran
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Military Government ◽  
American Christianity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pentecostal Churches ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
Renewal Movement

Pentecostalism, a Christian renewal movement that emphasizes ecstatic bodily worship and charismatic practices, transformed Latin American Christianity over the course of the twentieth century. While they were influenced by the disruptive North American Holiness movements from which their piety originated, converts adapted Pentecostal Christianity to local economic and political realities that generated new, Latin American forms of Pentecostalism. This chapter traces the dynamics of Pentecostal transformation in Latin America across two case studies: Guatemala and Brazil. Both countries underwent enormous shifts in religious demographics and practices that reveal similar trends amid substantial diversity in the Pentecostalization of Latin America. Guatemala’s Pentecostal boom occurred through the country’s tumultuous thirty-year conflict between leftist guerrillas and an intractable military government. Pentecostalization crescendoed while military general Efrain Ríos Montt, a Pentecostal, came to power and oversaw the violent deaths of as many as 200,000 civilians who were predominantly indigenous Maya. Vast numbers of conversions to Pentecostalism followed, revealing its power to re-enchant destroyed and seemingly hopeless worlds. Brazilian Pentecostalism maintained a subdued, conservative critical presence within Brazilian society until neo-Pentecostal evangelists asserted themselves in the public sphere, taking on popular African diasporic religions, Spiritism, and established Catholicism in equal measure. After democracy was re-established, neo-Pentecostal churches—magnified by their immense fortunes garnered from prosperity theologies—reshaped the Brazilian relationship between Christian piety, national culture, and secular government. Today, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches sustain a transnational culture that connects Christians across Latin America, dynamically reshaping both social relations and Latin American Christianity itself.

scholarly journals Crime and Public Support for the Rule of Law in Latin America and Africa

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 153-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon I. Smithey ◽  
Mary Fran T. Malone
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Fear Of Crime ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Sub Saharan

Abstract Crime poses a formidable obstacle to democratization in many parts of the developing world. New democracies in Central America and sub-Saharan Africa face some of the highest homicide rates in the world. Politicians, citizens, and policy-makers have raised the alarm about the growing tide of criminality. Public insecurity, coupled with inefficient and often corrupt justice systems, makes democratization uncertain. Even if new democracies do not revert to dictatorship, the quality of democracy may suffer if crime continues to rise. One particularly vulnerable component of democracy is the rule of law, as public insecurity may fuel support for extra-legal justice, and a willingness to disregard the law while aggressively pursuing suspected criminals. To test these relationships, we assess the ways in which criminal victimization, as well as fear of crime, affect citizen support for the rule of law. We utilize public opinion data collected in select countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa through two widely used sources – the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and the Afrobarometer surveys.

scholarly journals Repercussions of COVID-19 on the Ecuadorian tax system and its ranking compared to other countries

2021 ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Pamela Elizabeth Roque-Valarezo ◽  
María de los Ángeles Yumbo-Gúzman ◽  
Milca Orellana
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Income Tax ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Reliable Information ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Tax System ◽  
Local Companies ◽  
Latin American Countries

Tax systems are essential for the collection of taxes, since the economic spending of the countries depends on them; Among the items we have the Income Tax (IR) and the Value Added Tax (VAT), which are the highest income obligations that Ecuador has. This article aims to analyze the repercussions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the collection systems of Ecuador compared to the countries of Latin America. For this purpose, a descriptive-documentary cross-sectional methodology was carried out in order to obtain true, reliable information from indexed databases that were verified and approved by different researchers. The results show that COVID-19 had a direct impact on the economies of Latin American countries, especially in the first half of 2020, however, the policies adopted by governments, precisely in Ecuador, helped reduce the burden of the crisis, by deferring the payment of taxes, which generated momentary relief for local companies.

The Washington Consensus in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Teichman
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Commodity Prices ◽  
Washington Consensus ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Neoliberal Reforms ◽  
New Policies ◽  
Key Aspects

Washington Consensus policies evolved over time, both in Washington and among Latin American policymakers. These policies, involving trade liberalization and privatization (among other measures), were widely adopted in the region by the early 1990s. A generation of scholarly work sought to explain how and why Latin American countries embarked on economic reforms that governments had strongly resisted in the past. While many researchers focused on the top-down nature of the market-liberalization process, others called attention to its pluralist character and argued that the process had considerable public support. When the original Consensus ideas proved ineffective in promoting growth and improved living standards, technocratic Washington added new policies. By the early 2000s, Washington’s goal became that of reducing poverty while ensuring the completion of the original Washington Consensus reforms. In Latin America, however, there was a growing disillusionment with the original reform agenda and a strong challenge to key reforms. With the rise of social mobilization critical of neoliberal reforms and the election of left regimes challenging their main precepts, scholarship turned to a discussion of the nature of the new regimes and the extent to which their policies deviated from the Washington Consensus (both its original formulation and the later expanded version). While most scholars identify the left leaders of Ecuador, Bolivia, and particularly Venezuela, as offering the greatest challenges to neoliberalism, there is no consensus on the extent of the challenge to neoliberalism presented by Latin America’s left regimes. Research has also given attention to the rising demand of China for Latin American commodities as a key ingredient in the region’s left turn away from neoliberalism. The fall in commodity prices, however, set the stage for a resurgence of the political right, its business supporters, and the re-introduction of some key aspects of the original Washington Consensus.

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