Anti-Blackness is the American Way: Assessing the Relationship Between Chattel Slavery, Lynchings, & Police Violence During the Civil Rights Movement

Research finds that historical anti-Black violence helps to explain the spatial distribution of contemporary conflict, inequality, and violence in the U.S. Building on this research, the current study examined the spatial relationship between chattel slavery in 1860, lynchings of Black individuals between 1882 and 1930, and anti-Black violence during the Civil Rights Movement era in which police or other legal authorities were implicated. I draw on an original dataset of over 300 events of police violence that occurred between 1954 and 1974 in the sample state of Louisiana, and that was compiled from a number of primary and secondary source documents that were themselves culled from archival research conducted in the state. Path analysis was then employed using negative binomial generalized structural equation modeling in order to assess the direct and indirect effects of these racially violent histories. The implications for social justice, public policy, and future research are also discussed. Keywords Slavery, lynchings, anti-Black violence, civil rights movement, police

Saying Her Name: Gendered Narratives in News Coverage of Breonna Taylor's Death

In 2020, Breonna Taylor was killed in her apartment as police officers served a no-knock warrant. Unlike most cases of police violence against a woman of color, Taylor’s death was eventually deemed newsworthy. Given that people’s perceptions of justice-related issues are often informed by media representations, the way the her death was covered can send critical messages about police violence against women of color. This research note presents the findings of a qualitative media analysis of newspaper coverage of Taylor’s case for the six months following her death. Drawing from research on media depictions of police use of force and women as victims, it explored how gender shaped the media coverage of her case. Findings indicate that while there are similarities to other news coverage of deadly use of force incidents that gender and its intersection with race shaped the narratives in three main ways—by characterizing Taylor through a patriarchal lens suggesting that she is an ideal victim; by shifting blame onto Taylor by focusing on relationships with men; and by addressing media coverage while reporting on her death.

“I Don’t let These Felonies Hold me Back!”: How Street-Identified Black Men and Women Use Resilience to Radically Reframe Reentry

This street participatory action research project trained 15 local residents to document a community sample of street-identified Black men and women’s (ages 18–35 years) experiences with reentry in two low-income Black neighborhoods. The following multi-method data were collected: (a) 520 surveys; (b) 24 individual interviews; (c) four dual interviews; and (d) three group interviews. Descriptive and univariate analysis of variance analysis revealed most participants as a function of gender and age-groups held positive attitudes toward reentry, overall; positive attitudes toward returning citizens; negative attitudes toward reentry programs; and negative attitudes toward the reentry process. Qualitative analysis suggested negative experiences with reentry were the result of a racialized structural violence complex; and strategies employed to navigate reentry included legal and illegal approaches. Also, short and long-term goals with reentry were generally achieved through enduring major bouts of unemployment, economic poverty, and low-wage work.

Racialized Surveillance in New Zealand: From the Tūhoe Raids to the Extralegal Photographing of Indigenous Youth

It has been nearly 15 years since the 2007 anti-terrorism police raids targeting the Ngāi Tūhoe (Tuhoe) iwi (tribe) who reside in the center of New Zealand's North Island. The violent treatment inflicted upon Tūhoe by New Zealand Police and the Security Intelligence Service (SIS) raised questions around the policing and punishing of Indigenous expressions of dissent. In light of recent events, revisiting how policymakers addressed the Raids offers much-needed critical analysis of the policing and surveillance of Māori in the contemporary context. This qualitative study seeks to understand how policymakers framed the 2007 Raids in discussions of crime control policy after the fact. A content analysis of Hansard's (parliamentary) debates of the 2009 Organised Crime Bill reveals that the Raids emerged primarily in discussions to expand police powers and implement harsher penalties for gang-related activity. Green, Māori, and the Labor parties framed the Raids as an act of state violence, a failed operation, a waste of taxpayers’ dollars, and a repeat of similar, historical acts of state violence against the Tūhoe people. Taking the Raids as a point of departure, the second part of the paper argues that two key events reveal a continuing project focused on the extensive policing and surveillance of Indigenous bodies in Aotearoa New Zealand: (1) the Armed Response Team (ART) trials of 2020, and (2) the ongoing extralegal photographing of Māori youth by law enforcement. These events are discussed as chronic acts of violence that lead to different life outcomes for survivors.

Fight the Virus and Fight the Bias: Asian Americans’ Engagement in Activism to Combat Anti-Asian COVID-19 Racism

The global COVID-19 pandemic reinforced anti-Asian biases, accompanied by the rise of violence against Asians. We examined Asian Americans’ engagement in activism to combat anti-Asian racism and advance their community using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and two additional factors—past discrimination and subjective norms. Asian American activism includes social media, political, and advocacy actions. Structural equation modeling was conducted with data from online survey responses of 240 Asian Americans. Our results suggest pathways from Asian Americans’ past racism experiences to political and advocacy actions via three perceptual factors in STOPS (problem, involvement, constraint recognition), subjective norms, and expression of opinion on social media.

Explaining Latinx Youth Delinquency: A Gendered Test of Latinx General Strain Theory

Recently, scholars have reintroduced a Latinx general strain theory in which it is suggested that ethnic-specific strains, including acculturation, are driving forces for criminal and delinquent behaviors among the Latinx population. Using data collected from the Dating Violence Among Latino Adolescents (DAVILA) Study, this study investigated whether these ethnic strains influenced delinquency differently based on the respondent's gender. Results indicate that boys engaged in more delinquent behaviors than girls, whereas girls were more acculturated than boys. Depression, anxiety, and social support were more prevalent among girls than among boys. In addition, girls were more likely to be enculturated and perform better in school than boys. Acculturation did not significantly predict delinquency for either boys or girls. In contrast, polyvictimization was the only variable to consistently predict delinquency among boys and girls. Results provided partial support for the hypotheses, in that, while depression and anxiety varied by gender as predicted by the gendered general strain theory, the ethnic-specific strain of acculturation failed to predict delinquent behavior in this sample. Ultimately, this study highlights the need to examine other ethnic-specific strains to better understand delinquent behavior among Latinx youth.

On Assessing the Scope of Missing Native Americans in Nebraska: Results From a State-Wide Study and Recommendations for Future Research

Recent legislation in multiple states has called for studies on the scope of missing Native American persons. Here we report on one such study from Nebraska by first describing the practical and methodological issues for researchers to consider when examining data on missing Native persons. Then, using data from four point-in-time-counts in 2020, rates of Native American missing persons as well as case contexts over the study period are reported. Findings show that Native Americans are disproportionately represented among Nebraska's missing persons, that reports often involve minor boys, and that cases are dynamic and most are resolved quickly. Relatedly, most Native missing persons cases are only listed on the state clearinghouse, not the national missing persons lists. The paper is concluded with a discussion of specific directions for future research and policy regarding missing Native Americans.

Systemic Racism in Police Killings: New Evidence From the Mapping Police Violence Database, 2013–2021

This research note provides new evidence consistent with systemic anti-Black racism in police killings across the United States. Data come from the Mapping Police Violence Database (2013–2021). I calculate race-specific odds and probabilities that victims of police killings exhibited mental illness, were armed with a weapon, or attempted to flee the scene at the time of their killing. Multilevel, multivariable logistic regression techniques are applied to further account for the victim's age, gender, year of killing, and geographical clustering. I find that White victims are underrepresented, and Black victims overrepresented in the database. Relative to White victims, Black victims also have 60% lower odds of exhibiting signs of mental illness, 23% lower odds of being armed, and 28% higher odds of fleeing. Hispanic victims exhibit 45% lower odds of being armed relative to their White peers but are otherwise comparable. These patterns persist regardless of the victim's age, gender, year of killing, or geographical location (state, zip code, and neighborhood type). Thus, the threshold for being perceived as dangerous, and thereby falling victim to lethal police force, appears to be higher for White civilians relative to their Black or Hispanic peers. Current findings provide empirical support for political initiatives to curb lethal police force, as such efforts could help to reduce racial disparities in deaths by police nationwide.

Racial Sentiment and Public Support for Arming Teachers with Guns in the United States

In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.

Heritage Not Hate? Confederate Flag Supporters Less Likely to Perceive Criminal Injustice, More Likely to View Police as Friends

Although the post-civil rights era has motivated many people to avoid appearing racist, they may still be unwilling to relinquish privileges derived from the U.S. racial hierarchy. Because the Confederacy fought to preserve slavery, which upheld this hierarchy, support for the Confederate flag may serve as a proxy measure for individuals’ commitment to maintaining privileges stemming from structural racism. Moreover, given that the modern legal system upholds this same racial hierarchy through anti-Black discrimination, individuals who prioritize protecting their privilege may soothe the guilt they feel for benefiting from structural racism by convincing themselves the legal system treats everyone equally. Similarly, because flag supporters identify with the symbol of a failed nation that considered northern states to have insufficiently policed Black people, they may view police as protectors of the racial hierarchy. Hypotheses were tested using randomly sampled CBS News national poll data. As anticipated, flag supporters were 66% less likely to perceive anti-Black criminal justice system bias, 60% less likely to perceive anti-Black police bias, 34% less likely to consider racial profiling widespread, and 55% more likely to view police as friends.