scholarly journals Impact of COVID-19 pandemic on oil consumption in the United States: A new estimation approach

Energy ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 239 ◽  
pp. 122280
Author(s):  
Qiang Wang ◽  
Shuyu Li ◽  
Min Zhang ◽  
Rongrong Li
Author(s):  
Giuliano Garavini

The Epilogue describes the parallel crisis of the petrostates and of OPEC, focusing on two episodes that clearly demonstrated this crisis at the end of the 1980s. The first was the attack against Saddam Hussein’s Iraq by an international coalition led by the United States that resulted in foreign control over Iraqi oil exports. The second, episode was the effort of PDVSA, the national oil company of Venezuela, to engage in a policy of “production maximization” and to force its own government, a founding member of OPEC, out of the organization. The autonomy of OPEC as an actor in the global petroleum market was weakened both from without in the case of Iraq, and from within as in the case of the campaign by PDVSA. The result was that OPEC could not act anymore as a “geological force” and global oil consumption once again increased significantly with dire consequences for the environment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher R Knittel

The United States consumes more petroleum-based liquid fuel per capita than any other OECD high-income country—30 percent more than the second-highest country (Canada) and 40 percent more than the third-highest (Luxembourg). The transportation sector accounts for 70 percent of U.S. oil consumption and 30 percent of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. Taking the externalities associated with high U.S. gasoline consumption as largely given, I focus on understanding the policy tools that seek to reduce this consumption. I consider four main channels through which reductions in U.S. oil consumption might take place: 1) increased fuel economy of existing vehicles, 2) increased use of non-petroleum-based, low-carbon fuels, 3) alternatives to the internal combustion engine, and 4) reduced vehicle miles traveled. I then discuss how these policies for reducing petroleum consumption compare with the standard economics prescription for using a Pigouvian tax to deal with externalities. Taking into account that energy taxes are a political hot button in the United States, and also considering some evidence that consumers may not “correctly” value fuel economy, I offer some thoughts about the margins on which policy aimed at reducing petroleum consumption might usefully proceed.


Author(s):  
David L. Greene ◽  
Janet L. Hopson

Nations around the world have used fuel economy standards, voluntary or mandatory, to control greenhouse gas emissions and oil consumption. Although the literature on fuel economy standards is extensive, little attention has been paid to analyzing the efficiency and equity of alternative forms and levels of standards. A mathematical programming model is developed and applied to measuring the effects of alternative fuel economy regulations in terms of economic efficiency and differential impacts on manufacturers in the United States. Fuel economy improvements of 20% to 33% would appear to provide net economic benefits to U.S. consumers. Unfortunately, none of the alternatives tested is clearly more equitable than the others. The uniform percentage increase (UPI) and corporate average fuel economy (CAFE) metrics disadvantage different sets of manufacturers. An industrywide, voluntary fuel economy standard [such as that of the European Union or l’Association des Constructeurs Européens d’Automobiles (European Car Manufacturers’ Association)] has the potential to be most economically efficient and to avoid transfer payments among manufacturers as well. A weight-based metric would be more expensive than CAFE or UPI metrics for the same level of fuel economy increase but might be less likely to restrict manufacturers’ future marketing options. The analysis has many limitations that should be addressed in future research.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (15) ◽  
pp. 3786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jinghui Liu ◽  
Tingting Geng ◽  
Xingwei Wang ◽  
Guojin Qin

Oil plays an important role in global resource allocation. With the continuous development of the global supply chain, trade has brought a great impact on oil consumption. However, few studies have been focused on the oil consumption embodied in trade, that is, the oil footprints. Therefore, based on the multi-regional input-output model and structural decomposition model, this paper investigates the evolution and driving factors of the oil footprint between the two countries with the largest oil consumption in the world (China and the United States). By measuring the flow of oil footprint in bilateral trade, their trade transactions are analyzed at the national and industry levels. The results show that in Sino-US trade, China is a net exporter of virtual oil and the trade surplus is huge. The United States is the main destination of China’s virtual oil consumption exports. In 2004, China’s embodied oil net exports flowing into the US even exceeded its total net exports. Low value-added, high-consumption manufacturing is the main channel for China’s virtual oil to flow to the United States, which reflects that China is still at the bottom of the value chain. The most important factor in promoting exports’ growth is the scale effect of demand, followed by the input structure effect of intermediate products. The technical effect is an important force to curb the growth of oil footprints. This requires China and the United States to accelerate technological progress and reduce energy consumption intensity. At the same time, China should continue to optimize its trade structure, encourage the export of high-value-added products, and strive to climb the global value chain.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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