Epistemic and non-epistemic modals: The key to interpreting the spirit of counter-terrorism United Nations Security Council resolutions

2021 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Victoria Martín de la Rosa ◽  
Elena Domínguez Romero
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-330
Author(s):  
Doris Asante ◽  
Laura J. Shepherd

Using discourse analysis, this research explores the representation of gender roles and identities in relation to counter-terrorism/countering violent extremism in 38 national action plans for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) and associated United Nations Security Council resolutions. Representations of gender in relation to counter-terrorism/countering violent extremism in the national action plans that we analyse fix women in subordinate and passive subject positions while presuming that men are inherently violent and extremist. These findings have implications not only for scholarship on the Women, Peace and Security agenda, but also for policy practice in this area.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-192
Author(s):  
Andreas Motzfeldt Kravik

On May 24, 2017, the Security Council (Council) adopted Resolution 2354 on countering terrorist narratives, endorsing a proposal developed by its Counter-Terrorism Committee for a “Comprehensive international framework to counter terrorist narratives” (Comprehensive Framework). With this resolution, adopted unanimously by the Council and co-sponsored by close to sixty governments, the Council urged member states to implement the Framework in order to promote positive and credible alternatives to audiences receptive to extremist ideology.


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

While there have been numerous recent analyses of the legitimacy of suprastate governance institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) or United Nations Security Council, few accounts have considered individual duties in relation to those institutions, broadly analogous to suprastate political obligation. Identified in this chapter are three categories of duties that should be salient to a range of institutions. These include duties to support their reform, to resist specific institutional features or practices, and to reject the continued operation of some institutions and support the creation of alternate ones. These duties would correspond roughly to how well an institution would appear to fit into a global institutional scheme that actually would fulfill cosmopolitan aims for rights promotion and protections and related global moral goods. An implication is that the current global system itself is a candidate for rejection, given its inherent tendencies toward the gross underfulfillment of individual rights.


The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


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