Where will the people go?—assessing the new settlement option for the United Kingdom

2004 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Pacione
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People

Trusteeship Council

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-328 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
Special Session ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eligible Population ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
United Kingdom Government ◽  
Duty To Inform

The Trusteeship Council held its tenth special session at UN Headquarters on December 4 and 16, 1959. Following the adoption of its agenda, the Council entered into consideration of the report of the UN Plebiscite Commissioner on the plebiscite in the northern part of the trust territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration. In introducing the first part of the report, Mr. Abdoh, UN Plebiscite Commissioner, reviewed the history of his consultations with the United Kingdom government on arrangements for the organization of the plebiscite. He observed that, as a result of being administered for many years as an integral part of the northern region of Nigeria, the Northern Cameroons had previously had very little reality as a separate administrative entity; in fact, boundaries with the northern region of Nigeria had little significance, and tribal groups extended from that region into the trust territory and even beyond, to the Cameroons under French administration. Communications in the Northern Cameroons were poor, but, despite adverse conditions, the UN plebiscite staff had travelled extensively and had been able to meet both the people and their leaders. Mr. Abdoh added that he wished to stress the peaceful and orderly way in which polling had been conducted throughout the territory, and mentioned the results of the plebiscite, viz.: out of the 113,859 votes cast, 70,546 had been in favor of deciding the future of the Cameroons at a later date (alternative b), while 42,788 had indicated a preference for the Northern Cameroons' becoming a part of the northern region of Nigeria when Nigeria became independent (alternative a); 525 votes had been rejected. Approximately 80 percent of the estimated number of potential electors, and nearly 88 percent of the voters actually registered, had participated in the balloting; thus the greater part of the eligible population had taken part in the consultation, freely expressing their wishes in regard to the alternatives offered in the plebiscite. Mr. Abdoh had, however, felt it his duty to inform the Council of the view, which seemed to be prevalent among those who had voted for the second alternative, that the plebiscite had offered the people an opportunity of registering what was in effect a protest against the system of local adminstration, the introduction of reforms into which was apparently long overdue.

North of Boston

2018 ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Virginia F. Smith
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
New England ◽  
Proper Nouns ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
Nature And Society ◽  
Technical Terms

North of Boston was published in 1914, just a year after A Boy's Will, while the Frost family was in England’s scenic West Country. The poems, many of which are long, dramatic narratives, are mostly inspired by the people, nature, and society of rural New England, but we do see some influence of his time in the United Kingdom, most notably in the poem “Mending Wall.” The poetic subjects and sources in North of Boston are similar to those in A Boy’s Will, but Frost introduces more precision into his poetry by using proper nouns and technical terms, especially those related to farming and botany. Poems such as “The Death of the Hired Man” and “After Apple-Picking” contain examples of specific agricultural and botanical language.

Nations, Regions and Local Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 197-216
Author(s):  
W. Elliot Bulmer
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Two Kingdoms ◽  
Renewal Project

This chapter talks about Sir Ivor Jennings, who observed in the context of decolonization in the 1950s that one must first decide who are the people before one can decide how the people are to govern themselves. It proposes a constitutional renewal project that must recognize the United Kingdom as a complex 'Union state' made up of distinct nations. It also describes the United Kingdom as a messy amalgam of two kingdoms, a principality, and a dismembered province that were forged together by civil wars, bribery, and dynastic wrangling. The chapter looks at the geographical, cultural, historical, and demographic complexity of the polity being constituted that will determine much of its constitutional architecture even when fairly standard Westminster Model constitutionalism is applied. It illustrates India and Bangladesh, two countries whose constitutions are thoroughly Westminster influenced but show different design because of the demands of context.

scholarly journals An estimate of phytate intake and molar ratio of phytate to zinc in the diet of the people in the United Kingdom

2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 1380-1388 ◽  
Author(s):  
F Amirabdollahian ◽  
R Ash
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Elderly Population ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Molar Ratio ◽  
Daily Consumption ◽  
Nutrition Survey ◽  
Molar Ratios ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
Phytate Content

AbstractObjectiveTo estimate the phytate intake and molar ratio of phytate to zinc in the diet of the people in the United Kingdom.DesignTables of the phytate content of foods were developed from twenty-eight published and unpublished studies. They were then applied to the nutrient databank of the National Diet and Nutrition Survey (NDNS). The study is a retrospective analysis of data on daily consumption of foods and drinks from the NDNS of children, adolescents, adults and the elderly based on 4–7 d weighed intakes.SubjectsA total of 6786 British participants aged 1·5 years and above, who participated in the NDNS, 1992–2001.SettingEngland, Scotland and Wales.ResultsThe median daily intakes of phytate for children, adolescents, adults and the elderly population were 496, 615, 809 and 629 mg/d, respectively. Although there were differences in phytate intakes between men and women, and for children, adolescents and elderly populations, after adjusting for differences in energy intake, there was no significant variation. The median phytate-to-zinc molar ratios for children, adolescents, adults and the elderly population were 11·8, 10·4, 9·7 and 8·7, respectively. Overall, the main sources of phytate were cereal and cereal products (e.g. breakfast cereals and breads), vegetables, potatoes and savoury snacks (e.g. chips and crisps), hot drinks and miscellaneous foods (e.g. commercial toddler foods and drinks, chocolate and soups), fruits and nuts.ConclusionsThe present study estimated the dietary intake of phytate and the phytate-to-zinc molar ratio of the diet of the UK population, which can be used for estimating the average requirement of zinc. Further research should focus on the completion and validation of the tables of phytate content of UK foods, to assess (and if necessary improve) the accuracy and precision of these findings.

scholarly journals The Perception of Family, City, and Country Values Is Often Biased

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 831-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul H. P. Hanel ◽  
Uwe Wolfradt ◽  
Gabriel Lins de Holanda Coelho ◽  
Lukas J. Wolf ◽  
Roosevelt Vilar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Effect Sizes ◽  
Culture Time ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
Comparison Groups ◽  
Systematic Biases ◽  
Value Model ◽  
People’S Perceptions

People often make inferences about the values of other people in their families, cities, and countries, but there are reasons to expect systematic biases in these inferences. Across four studies ( N = 1,763), we examined people’s perceptions of the values of their families, fellow citizens of the cities in which they live, and compatriots across three nations (Brazil, Germany, the United Kingdom). Our results show that people systematically misperceive comparison groups’ values. People underestimate the importance that their compatriots ascribe to more important values and overestimate the importance of less important values. This occurs in comparison with their own values, the actual values of the people living in the same city and the actual values of their compatriots. The effect sizes were medium to large. Furthermore, the results occurred independently of participants’ culture, time spent in the culture, and the underlying value model used. These results consistently show that people’s speculations about values in their community and society are biased in a self- and family favoring direction. In addition, we found that the structure of values (e.g., as proposed by Schwartz) holds for perceived family, fellow citizens of the cities in which they live, and compatriots’ values. Overall, our findings suggest that the values of other people are more selfless than is often believed.

I. DE-RECOGNITION OF COLONEL QADDAFI AS HEAD OF STATE OF LIBYA?

2011 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 759-767 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Talmon
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Special Forces ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Official Position ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Oil Workers ◽  
The Media ◽  
Diplomatic Immunity

On 27 February 2011, it was reported in the media that the United Kingdom had revoked the diplomatic immunity of Libyan leader Mu'ammar Qaddafi and his family.1 Earlier that day, the British Foreign Secretary, William Hague, told BBC1's Andrew Marr Show:[…] the people of Libya have risen up against Colonel Gaddafi. We have here a country descending in to [sic] civil war with atrocious scenes of killing of protestors and a Government actually making war on its own people so, of course, it is time for Colonel Gaddafi to go. That is the best hope for Libya and last night I signed a directive revoking his diplomatic immunity in the United Kingdom but also the diplomatic immunity of his sons, his family, his household so it's very clear where we stand on, on his status as a Head of State.2Although Colonel Qaddafi claimed not to have any ‘official position’ in the Libyan State apparatus,3 he has been widely regarded as the Head of State of Libya. The French Court of Cassation held in March 2001 that, as the serving Head of State of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, he was completely immune in respect of alleged complicity in acts of terrorism.4 William Hague's statement seemed to give the impression that the United Kingdom no longer recognized Colonel Qaddafi as ‘Head of State’ and thus denied him diplomatic immunity, despite the fact that he was still being listed as such on the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's website ‘Country Profile: Libya’.5 This impression was reinforced by his statement that a British special forces operation the night before which rescued some 150 oil workers from remote desert camps in Libya had been carried out without the ‘official permission’ of the Qaddafi Government.6

scholarly journals The people have spoken: abide? A critical view of the EU’s dramatic referendum (in)experience

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. 397-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Auer
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Critical View ◽  
The Third ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Understanding

6 December 1992 – 9 February 2014 – 23 June 2016: three national referendums related to the European integration process, the first two in Switzerland, the third in the United Kingdom, with a hardly expected but unmistakably clear anti-European and anti-establishment outcome. The people have spoken, the matter is settled, governments have to abide. So goes the common understanding. In constitutional terms and in the theory of (direct) democracy, however, things may look different.

scholarly journals Representation of the People: Franchise Extension and the “Sinn Féin Election” in Ireland, 1918

2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 886-925
Author(s):  
Alan de Bromhead ◽  
Alan Fernihough ◽  
Enda Hargaden
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
Electoral Reforms

Do large franchise extensions bring about dramatic electoral changes? Electoral reforms in 1918 nearly tripled the number of people eligible to vote in Ireland. Following the reforms—the largest franchise extension in U.K. history—the previously obscure Sinn Féin party secured 73 of Ireland’s 105 seats, an outcome that precipitated a guerrilla war and ultimately independence from the United Kingdom. However, our analysis finds little evidence that the franchise reforms benefited Sinn Féin. New female electors appear less likely to have supported Sinn Féin while new male electors were no more likely to vote for Sinn Féin than the existing electorate. Women also appear less likely to have cast a vote at all. Economic and social factors did matter when it came to voting, however, as did public opinion in relation to armed rebellion. These results remind us that dramatic political changes, such as those that took place in Ireland 1918, do not require dramatic changes in political participation. Sinn Féin’s electoral success was more likely driven by a change of heart on behalf of the Irish electorate, rather than a change in its composition.

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