A Preliminary Note of the Life History of Schistosoma Turkestanicum Skrjabin, 1913 * *This paper is published by the permission of Farouq Beg El-Damlougi, Director of Veterinary Affairs, Iraq, and is reprinted here by kind permission of the Editor of the Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, vol. xxx, No. 1, June, 1936.The writer wishes to express his gratitude to Miss Miriam Rothschild and Dr. H. A. Baylis for guidance in this rather difficult field of research. He is also greatly indebted to Professor Leiper and the Imperial Bureau of Agricultural Parasitology for much help. He thanks Major M. Connolly of the British Museum (Natural History) for identifying snail shells, not only with regard to this paper, but also concerning investigations on the snail host of S. bovis of domestic animals, S. haematobium of man and a general survey of Iraq snail fauna.

1936 ◽  
Vol 92 (8) ◽  
pp. 291-299
Author(s):  
C. Machattie

Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) is remembered more for his activities in the spheres of science and medicine than for his original contributions to these fields. His large treatise on the natural history of Jamaica (2 vols., 1707- 1725) and other writings were useful additions to the scientific literature, but they were overshadowed by his activities as President of both the Royal Society (1727-1741) and the Royal College of Physicians (1719-1735) and by his having provided the collections which became the foundation of the British Museum. There is no definitive study on him, but the two recent biographies by De Beer and Brooks provide a good picture of his life and work (1). Sloane carried on a voluminous correspondence, and most of the letters written to him are preserved in the British Museum—largely unpublished (2). Among them are a dozen letters from Richard Bradley (1688?—5 November 1732), which throw somewhat more light on Bradley than on Sloane. They also illustrate the adverse conditions under which men without wealth have sometimes worked when pursuing scientific activities. Bradley was a prolific author of books on agriculture, horticulture, biology, and medicine. As will appear from his letters, he was often the pawn of booksellers, and John Martyn (1699-1768), his malicious rival, commented shortly after his death that ‘The booksellers have lost a good easy pad’ (3). Bradley was at times only a popularizer or a hack, but he also produced writings having scientific merit (4). Furthermore, he was a Fellow of the Royal Society and the first Professor of Botany at the University of Cambridge. His correspondence with Sloane is therefore of interest for adding to our knowledge of both men and the scientific activities of their time.


1891 ◽  
Vol 48 (292-295) ◽  
pp. 152-156

A grant was made by the Royal Society in the year 1884 to Professor J. T. Parker, of Dunedin, for the study of the development of Apteryx , Sphenodon and Callorhynchus . As Sphenodon does not occur near Dunedin, but is found chiefly on outlying islands belonging to the province of Auckland, at the opposite end of the colony, Professor Parker invited me to join him in the investigation of this form. We gathered from what had been written on the natural history of the tuatara, as well as from oral information obtained from those who were best acquainted with the New Zealand fauna, that the month of February was probably the time at which the tuatara bred.


The study of the trypanosome diseases of domestic animals in Uganda was a branch, and an important one, of the work undertaken by the Commission. Among other points arising in this investigation, the finding, if possible, of a carrier of the various trypanosome diseases was necessary. In the 'Proceedings' of the Royal Society, the Commission published a paper entitle "Trypanosome Diseases of Domestic Animals in Uganda. I.— Trypanosoma Pecorum ." This paper gives full details as to the definition, morphological and cultural characteristics, and distribution in Africa, of Trypanosoma pecorum . A few experiments and experiences of the Commission were also given, which led to the belief that possibly Tabanidæ were the common carriers in Africa of the disease caused in cattle by this trypanosome. With the object of gaining further knowledge on this important problem, the Commission worked in Uganda from January to July, 1910, on the following lines:— 1. An investigation of the biting flies occurring in the vicinity of the laboratory at Mpumu, Chagwe, Uganda. 2. A study of the natural history of these biting flies. 3. Transmission experiments with these flies. 4. A study of the flagellates, if any, natural to these flies.


In a footnote to the extract from the Diary of Sir Charles Blagden which appeared in previous pages of this volume, 1 it was explained that the portion of the Diary for the year 1788 in the Society’s possession is incomplete, and it was surmised that Blagden had been to Geneva in that year. The gap can fortunately be filled, however, and the story of Blagden’s relations with the men of science at Geneva can be completed, by means of the copies of the correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks in the Library of the British Museum (Natural History). The original autograph letters of the Banksian correspondence were dispersed many years ago, but the manuscript copies preserved in the Museum provide a precious guide to the activities and interests not only of Sir Joseph Banks, P.R.S., but also of Sir Charles Blagden, Sec.R.S., whose many letters almost take the form of reports from the Secretary to the President of the Royal Society. By way of confirmation of what was surmised in the previous notes, and by kind permission of the Trustees, extracts are given below of some letters from Blagden to Banks, dated 9 August and 14 September 1788. They will be found to contain unexpected information about Queen Victoria’s father, Mr Woodley, and Charles James Fox. In addition, the transcription is given of a letter from Blagden to Banks of 5 September 1792, written during the course of the journey described in the extract from the Diary that appears above. This letter is the one referred to on page 83 : ‘ Sent letter to Sir Joseph Banks.’ Its interest lies not only in the account of the dangers through which Blagden passed on leaving Paris, but also in the information which it contains to the effect that Schmuck’s experiments were, after all, inspired by those of Galvani, as suspected in footnote 32, page 71. There are also interesting references to Huber’s work on Bees, Charles Bonnet’s state of health and Thomas Whaley’s accident.


Author(s):  
P. J. P. WHITEHEAD

The authorship of the anonymous Conchology, or natural history of shells has often been disputed, as has also the correct dating of the parts of this incomplete book. Some have attributed this work — the first in which the term "conchology" was employed — to the wellknown natural history dealer George Humphrey (? 1745—1825), who indeed seems to have claimed authorship in his Museum Humfredianum of 1779. Others have favoured Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717—91), author of books on shells as well as fossils and minerals. Others again have settled for joint authorship. However, in the absence of detailed biographical data on either of these two men, the question of authorship of the Conchology has been largely a matter of speculation. The key to the puzzle lies in the rather unusual circumstances that attended the production of the book, for it was during this period that da Costa fell from grace, being convicted of embezzlement and spending some years in prison. No-one has hitherto documented this aspect of da Costa's life, while the most valuable source of all, the eleven volumes of da Costa correspondence in the British Library, has been almost entirely neglected. In the light of these letters, a number of which date from the prison period, together with clues in other letters, it is now possible to date the six parts of the book fairly accurately, and also to assess Humphrey's role in it and to conclude that the real author was da Costa, an unrepentent debtor in the King's Bench Prison. Da Costa's downfall, which can be followed closely in the minutes of the Council of the Royal Society for 1767—68, provides the reason why the Conchology was anonymous, and in turn this serves to narrow down the dates within which it was written. Anonymity was essential, for no collector would allow precious specimens to be borrowed for illustration in the name of a man who had embezzled the funds of the Royal Society to the tune of nearly fifteen hundred pounds (by pocketing subscriptions). Various guesses have been made concerning the duration of da Costa's term in prison, but in fact he was committed to the King's Bench Prison in November 1768 and was not released until four years later, in October 1772. During this time he made translations, worked on catalogues and delivered lectures. The letters written and received in prison show that the Conchology was well under way by early in 1771, although it was probably planned at least a year before and may perhaps have stemmed from a more ambitious project covering several animal groups, dating from late in 1767. The true authorship of the Conchology can be deduced partly from the prison letters and partly from a letter written years later to John Swainson, in which Humphrey criticizes da Costa's text for several of the figures. Humphrey's role seems to have been that of editor. The book was illustrated by John Wicksteed (pls. 1–4,), George Humphrey's brother William (pls. 5, 7) and Peter Brown (pls. 8–12), but the text breaks off in the middle of pl. 5. There were six parts, each with two plates, and from the letters and from two dated wrappers with a copy in the British Museum (Natural History), the parts appear to have been issued at two month intervals between December 1770 and October 1771. The abrupt cessation of the work cannot yet be accounted for. The Conchology is not without taxonomic value, some of the plates illustrating type specimens. However, the history of its production throws important light on da Costa, who was a highly significant — if wayward — figure in eighteenth century natural history, and a man who well deserves a more extensive and detailed biography. Subsequently to the Easter Meeting this study has been reported in the following publication: Whitehead, P. J. P. 1977. Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717–91) and the Conchology, or natural history of shells. Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.), 6 (1): 1–24.


1731 ◽  
Vol 37 (421) ◽  
pp. 219-220

It is not my Intention to enter into a long Detail of what I have hitherto performed in Natural History, both in general, and that of Swisserland in particular, left I might seem guilty of Vanity even in merely relating it.


Zootaxa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4532 (3) ◽  
pp. 441 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAMILA CAMARGO DE SOUZA ◽  
MAURICIO RIVERA-CORREA ◽  
JOSE M. PADIAL ◽  
SANTIAGO CASTROVIEJO-FISHER

Nyctimantis rugiceps Boulenger, 1882 (Fig. 1A) is a Neotropical treefrog (Duellman & Trueb 1976; Faivovich et al. 2005) known only from disjunct localities in Amazonian Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru (Pérez-Villota et al. 2009). This species has the skin of the skull co-ossified and reproduces—including calling behavior, egg deposition and tadpole development—in water-filled tree or bamboo cavities (Duellman & Trueb 1976; Duellman 1978). Given its secretive behavior, this is a poorly known species and, as noted by Duellman (1978: 169), “the major clue to the life history of Nyctimantis is the calling behavior of the males”. Unfortunately, the only quantitative description of the advertisement call of N. rugiceps is a brief passage in Duellman (1978) based on four specimens from Santa Cecilia, Ecuador, where important variables are missing (e.g., call duration). More importantly, graphs illustrating the waveform and spectrogram are missing. Considering these limitations and the importance of advertisement calls to the study of anurans (Köhler et al. 2017), we provide a quantitative description using a call recording obtained in Leticia, Amazonas, Colombia. 


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