Tho' in a prison placed: E. M. da Costa and the authorship of the Conchology

Author(s):  
P. J. P. WHITEHEAD

The authorship of the anonymous Conchology, or natural history of shells has often been disputed, as has also the correct dating of the parts of this incomplete book. Some have attributed this work — the first in which the term "conchology" was employed — to the wellknown natural history dealer George Humphrey (? 1745—1825), who indeed seems to have claimed authorship in his Museum Humfredianum of 1779. Others have favoured Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717—91), author of books on shells as well as fossils and minerals. Others again have settled for joint authorship. However, in the absence of detailed biographical data on either of these two men, the question of authorship of the Conchology has been largely a matter of speculation. The key to the puzzle lies in the rather unusual circumstances that attended the production of the book, for it was during this period that da Costa fell from grace, being convicted of embezzlement and spending some years in prison. No-one has hitherto documented this aspect of da Costa's life, while the most valuable source of all, the eleven volumes of da Costa correspondence in the British Library, has been almost entirely neglected. In the light of these letters, a number of which date from the prison period, together with clues in other letters, it is now possible to date the six parts of the book fairly accurately, and also to assess Humphrey's role in it and to conclude that the real author was da Costa, an unrepentent debtor in the King's Bench Prison. Da Costa's downfall, which can be followed closely in the minutes of the Council of the Royal Society for 1767—68, provides the reason why the Conchology was anonymous, and in turn this serves to narrow down the dates within which it was written. Anonymity was essential, for no collector would allow precious specimens to be borrowed for illustration in the name of a man who had embezzled the funds of the Royal Society to the tune of nearly fifteen hundred pounds (by pocketing subscriptions). Various guesses have been made concerning the duration of da Costa's term in prison, but in fact he was committed to the King's Bench Prison in November 1768 and was not released until four years later, in October 1772. During this time he made translations, worked on catalogues and delivered lectures. The letters written and received in prison show that the Conchology was well under way by early in 1771, although it was probably planned at least a year before and may perhaps have stemmed from a more ambitious project covering several animal groups, dating from late in 1767. The true authorship of the Conchology can be deduced partly from the prison letters and partly from a letter written years later to John Swainson, in which Humphrey criticizes da Costa's text for several of the figures. Humphrey's role seems to have been that of editor. The book was illustrated by John Wicksteed (pls. 1–4,), George Humphrey's brother William (pls. 5, 7) and Peter Brown (pls. 8–12), but the text breaks off in the middle of pl. 5. There were six parts, each with two plates, and from the letters and from two dated wrappers with a copy in the British Museum (Natural History), the parts appear to have been issued at two month intervals between December 1770 and October 1771. The abrupt cessation of the work cannot yet be accounted for. The Conchology is not without taxonomic value, some of the plates illustrating type specimens. However, the history of its production throws important light on da Costa, who was a highly significant — if wayward — figure in eighteenth century natural history, and a man who well deserves a more extensive and detailed biography. Subsequently to the Easter Meeting this study has been reported in the following publication: Whitehead, P. J. P. 1977. Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717–91) and the Conchology, or natural history of shells. Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.), 6 (1): 1–24.

Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) is remembered more for his activities in the spheres of science and medicine than for his original contributions to these fields. His large treatise on the natural history of Jamaica (2 vols., 1707- 1725) and other writings were useful additions to the scientific literature, but they were overshadowed by his activities as President of both the Royal Society (1727-1741) and the Royal College of Physicians (1719-1735) and by his having provided the collections which became the foundation of the British Museum. There is no definitive study on him, but the two recent biographies by De Beer and Brooks provide a good picture of his life and work (1). Sloane carried on a voluminous correspondence, and most of the letters written to him are preserved in the British Museum—largely unpublished (2). Among them are a dozen letters from Richard Bradley (1688?—5 November 1732), which throw somewhat more light on Bradley than on Sloane. They also illustrate the adverse conditions under which men without wealth have sometimes worked when pursuing scientific activities. Bradley was a prolific author of books on agriculture, horticulture, biology, and medicine. As will appear from his letters, he was often the pawn of booksellers, and John Martyn (1699-1768), his malicious rival, commented shortly after his death that ‘The booksellers have lost a good easy pad’ (3). Bradley was at times only a popularizer or a hack, but he also produced writings having scientific merit (4). Furthermore, he was a Fellow of the Royal Society and the first Professor of Botany at the University of Cambridge. His correspondence with Sloane is therefore of interest for adding to our knowledge of both men and the scientific activities of their time.


In 1754 John Ellis was elected to the Royal Society. During the next twenty two years, he won the Copley Prize in 1768, was elected to the Council in 1769, and published over thirty essays and monographs on natural history. In doing this Ellis laid the foundation of one area of zoology with his studies of zoophytes; published on the preservation of seeds and the natural history of coffee; and reported on new plants and insects. Furthermore his papers, containing correspondence with well over one hundred different people, provide a clearer picture o f the interrelationships which operated in the warp and woof of eighteenth century English and colonial science. Ellis was also a merchant in the Irish linen trade; a lobbyest at Westminster for the Irish Linen Board; the Royal Agent for West Florida, and the Colonial Agent for Dominica.


In the Royal Society archives there is a collection of drawings of Aloes and other plants, made by two of the great botanical artists of the eighteenth century - Georg Dionysius Ehret and Jacob van Huysum. Although the Manuscripts General Series Catalogue records this manuscript only as a ‘Volume of 35 botanical paintings by Georg Dionysius Ehret’ of unknown provenance, the manuscript catalogue of the Arundel and other manuscripts, said to be the work of Jonas Dryander (1748-1810), provides the first clue linking these drawings to the two artists, and to the important collection of Aloes growing at that time in the Society of Apothecaries Physic Garden at Chelsea'. The history of the commissioning of the drawings is told briefly in the Journal Books of the Royal Society, and in the Minutes of Council, but the significance of these lovely and important drawings has been almost completely overlooked.


1731 ◽  
Vol 37 (421) ◽  
pp. 219-220

It is not my Intention to enter into a long Detail of what I have hitherto performed in Natural History, both in general, and that of Swisserland in particular, left I might seem guilty of Vanity even in merely relating it.


Author(s):  
David Abulafia

An important feature of the Fifth Mediterranean was the discovery of the First Mediterranean, and the rediscovery of the Second. The Greek world came to encompass Bronze Age heroes riding the chariots described by Homer, and the Roman world was found to have deep roots among the little-known Etruscans. Thus, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries entirely new perspectives on the history of the Mediterranean were opened up. An early lead was given by the growth of interest in ancient Egypt, discussed in the previous chapter, though that was closely linked to traditional biblical studies as well. In the eighteenth century, the Grand Tour introduced well-heeled travellers from northern Europe to classical remains in Rome and Sicily, and Englishmen saw it as an attractive alternative to time spent at Oxford or Cambridge, where those who paid any attention to their studies were more likely to be immersed in ancient texts than in ancient objects. On the other hand, aesthetic appreciation of ancient works of art was renewed in the late eighteenth century, as the German art historian Winckelmann began to impart a love for the forms of Greek art, arguing that the Greeks dedicated themselves to the representation of beauty (as the Romans failed to do). His History of Art in Antiquity was published in German in 1764 and in French very soon afterwards, and was enormously influential. In the next few decades, discoveries at Pompeii and Herculaneum, in which Nelson’s cuckolded host, Sir William Hamilton, was closely involved, and then in Etruria, further enlarged northern European interest in ancient art, providing interior designers with rich patterns, and collectors with vast amounts of loot – ‘Etruscan vases’, nearly all in reality Greek, were shipped out of Italy as the Etruscan tombs began to be opened up. In Greece, it was necessary to purchase the consent of Ottoman officials before excavating and exporting what was found; the most famous case, that of the Parthenon marbles at the start of the nineteenth century, was succeeded by other acquisitions for northern museums: the Pergamon altar was sent to Berlin, the facings of the Treasury of Atreus from Mycenae were sent to the British Museum, and so on.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Angma Dey Jhala

During the eighteenth century, the travelogue flourished as a genre and was used to describe peoples both familiar and unfamiliar to the western observer. Chapter 1 examines one such account, the 1798 travelogue of the Scottish doctor Francis Buchanan in the CHT. In his tour diary, he deployed the language of natural history to describe not only the region’s unusual soil quality, topography, and local jhum or swidden agriculture, but also the religious, cultural, and linguistic practices of the various hill tribes he encountered. In the process, he exposed the tumultuous history of this border region, which found itself at the crossroads of imperial ambition by both the East India Company and the kingdom of Burma. He is also an intriguing example of an Enlightenment era man of science and reason in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 10-30
Author(s):  
Hans Joas

The Scottish eighteenth-century philosopher and historian David Hume can be considered a pioneer of the “natural history of religion” in the sense of a universal history of religion that is not based on theological presuppositions. This chapter offers a characterization of his methodological achievements and a reevaluation of his empirical claims concerning monotheism, polytheism, religion and tolerance. It also interprets the German reception of Hume in Herder and other eighteenth-century thinkers as a serious critical continuation that is free from Hume’s anti-Christian motives. This continuation opens the perspective of a serious study of the literary character of religious texts, in this case of the Bible. All simple contrasts between Enlightenment and religion are overcome as soon as we take this interaction of thinkers into account.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kees van Putten

Abstract By the second half of the eighteenth century, the age-old concept of nature as a chain of being had been superseded by the idea that the order of nature was a two-dimensional whole. Carolus Linnaeus, for instance, stated that vegetal nature was ordered like a geographical map. Paul Dietrich Giseke, one of his followers, rendered this metaphor concrete by making a “genealogic-geographical map of the natural orders of plants.” Could mapping nature in this way help to produce a true image of it and thereby achieve a better understanding of nature’s order? I intend to answer this question by analyzing Giseke’s map along with two closely connected images of the order of nature, Johann Herrmann’s “Table of affinities between animals” and the hitherto unnoticed “geographical map” of medicines, designed by Georg Christoph Würtz. The article deals with the relation between these images, examines the respective advantages and drawbacks of their maps and situates them with respect to the models of the natural history of the time.


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