Crises, Popular Opinion, and Electoral Authoritarianism

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-75
Keyword(s):  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism

Popular Opinion in Stalin's Russia

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Davies
Keyword(s):  
Popular Opinion

Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-353
Author(s):  
Rostislav Turovsky ◽  
Marina Sukhova
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Strong Connection ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Subnational Elections ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

Localization of Ethnic Groups in the Regions as a Factor in Cross-Regional Variations in Voting for United Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-153
Author(s):  
Eleonora Minaeva ◽  
Petr Panov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Regional Variations ◽  
Political Machines ◽  
Ethnic Networks ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Administrative Unit ◽  
The Russian Federation

Abstract In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.

News Framing of the US Drone Program in Pakistani Newspapers: From Elite Discourse to Popular Opinion

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Christine Fair ◽  
Ali Hamza
Keyword(s):  
Popular Opinion ◽  
News Framing ◽  
The Us

Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich: Bavaria 1933-1945. Ian Kershaw

1985 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-172
Author(s):  
Robert Gellately
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third Reich

The Pioneers of Iranian New Painting

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-115
Author(s):  
Alice Bombardier
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Social Value ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Profound Impact ◽  
Difficult Time ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract In an interview, the Iranian painter Ahmad Esfandiari (1922–2012) related that he witnessed a particularly difficult time at the beginning of his career, when he did not know what direction his work might take. Slowly he overcame this fear of the unknown and discovered ‘the pleasure of uncharted paths’. But the critics did not see any social value in his work (Mojabi 1998: 155). In his testimony, Ahmad Esfandiari described the tumultuous 1940s, during which an innovative pictorial style called ‘New Painting’ appeared in Iran. Contrary to popular opinion, contemporary Iranian painting did not begin in the 1960s with the Saqqakhaneh group of artists. Its origins can be found in the 1940s. In this article, conceived as a manifesto, I introduce the first generation of New Painting artists and I argue against a canon that has overlooked them in spite of their innovative accomplishments and profound impact.

The Politics of Proximity: The Italian Response to the Albanian Crisis

1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ted Perlmutter
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
Humanitarian Mission ◽  
Neighboring Country ◽  
The Future ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
To Come ◽  
First Time

This article focuses on the apparent disjunction between the Italian reluctance to allow Albanians to come as refugees and Italy's enthusiastic leadership of the United Nations military-humanitarian mission. It explains the Italian response both in terms of Italian popular opinion regarding Albanians and Italy's concern for the impression on Europe that its politics would make. Italy's leadership of the mission represents the first time a medium-sized power has assisted a neighboring country with whom it has had deep historical connections. The conclusion argues that such proximate interventions are likely to increase in the future, and spells out the implications of the Italian case.

scholarly journals Variation in subnational electoral authoritarianism: evidence from the Russian Federation

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inga A.-L. Saikkonen
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
The Russian Federation

Muted Reception: U.S. Propaganda and the Construction of Mexican Popular Opinion during the Second World War

2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Chang
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Second World
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