Responses in the west of Ireland to civil rights protest in Northern Ireland, 1968–72

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (159) ◽  
pp. 58-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Madden

Abstract1968 has become synonymous with the large-scale global protests of that year. International scholarship has increasingly sought to examine instances of these protests in global peripheries, and amongst the most studied examples is Northern Ireland. The growth of civil rights protest in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, which emerged from long-standing feelings of exclusion amongst the Catholic minority of the predominantly Protestant polity, was influenced by a broader international discourse of protest associated with the long 1968, notably the African-American civil rights movement. Simultaneously, in the west of Ireland, a number of protest groups also emerged in the late 1960s, frustrated at their communities’ perceived neglect by the government of the Republic of Ireland. This article will examine the emergence of these protest movements, discussing groups in the Galway Gaeltacht and other peripheral rural areas of Connacht, student activists in University College Galway, and campaigns challenging racism against the Travelling community. It will argue that they were influenced by the global protests associated with the long 1968, most notably by events across the border. For the purpose of the article, the ‘west of Ireland’ refers to the five Connacht counties of Galway, Roscommon, Mayo, Sligo and Leitrim.

2015 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian P. Kavanagh

Abstract This paper reviews the May 2014 local election contests in the Republic of Ireland, while also offering a brief overview of the contests in Northern Ireland. These local elections took place in the context of radical changes to local government structures on both sides of the border – changes which would frame the types of choices open to voters at the May 2014 contests. The new – and generally larger – constituency areas opened up opportunity spaces for new candidates (including new female candidates) to participate in local electoral politics, although these opportunities, in turn, were very much framed by geography. The overall reduction in local representation levels in rural areas in the Republic of Ireland meant that incumbency factors acted as significant brakes on the entry of new candidates in these areas. The radically changing political landscape associated with the era of austerity politics saw a major swing against the government parties in the Republic of Ireland, with notable gains made by Sinn Féin and a number of other anti-establishment parties and groupings. These changes have brought about the formation of new alliances to control different local authorities, which, in turn, have posed an increasing set of challenges in terms of the governance of such councils, as evident in a number of conflicts over council budgets in the winter of 2014.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Author(s):  
Vugar Nazarov ◽  
◽  
Jamal Hajiyev ◽  
Vasif Ahadov ◽  
◽  
...  

Local and foreign scientists are now paying growing attention to various issues of property and the philosophical and ethical, political, economic, institutional, social, psychological, and other aspects of its formation, taking into account the requirements of large-scale transformation, which primarily concern post-industrial areas of social development. In consequence, as modern studies rightfully point out, considering property relations, two general restrictions should be taken into account: this is an attempt to explain the absoluteness of their roles, the presence and content of all aspects of socio-economic relations by property relations; and the denial of the role of property as one of the most important factors determining the direction of social development in the present and future.This situation forces a new look at the economic policy of the state in this area, because any financial and monetary measures taken by the government will be doomed to failure if their implementation will be without interaction with the mechanisms of the private property system. The article defines the entrepreneurial sector of the region, its interaction with the institutions of the market system operating in all sectors and spheres of the region's economy, and also shows the influence of the development of property relations on the institutions of entrepreneurship.


2019 ◽  
pp. 202-209
Author(s):  
David Sorkin

This chapter explains that as Alexander III and Nicholas II increasingly rejected the “west” and its reforms to search for an indigenous Russian alternative, they began to limit or abolish the privileges Alexander II's Great Reforms granted to the Jews and to impose ever harsher restrictions. Alexander III enacted a policy of “integral segregation” that differentiated the Jews from other minority and national groups. Meanwhile, Nicholas II's government propagated an ideology of “reactionary utopia” in which Jews were central, yet there were fundamental ambiguities. For example, his ministries were at odds and pursued contradictory policies. Moreover, the government promoted anti-Semitic literature, pogroms, and blood libel trials. In response to insurrections and the 1905 revolution, the autocratic tsars granted Jews political rights prior to civil rights, though Jewish leaders had to intercede to secure those rights. Ultimately, the tightening vise of tsarist repression resulted in endemic immiseration.


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