Show Me the Money: Interjurisdiction Political Competition and Fiscal Extraction in China

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 706-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
XIAOBO LÜ ◽  
PIERRE F. LANDRY

We argue that interjurisdiction competition in authoritarian regimes engenders a specific logic for taxation. Promotion-seeking local officials are incentivized to signal loyalty and competence to their principals through tangible fiscal revenues. The greater the number of officials accountable to the same principal, the more intense political competition is, resulting in higher taxation; however, too many officials accountable to the same principal leads to lower taxation due to shirking by uncompetitive officials and the fear of political instability. Using a panel dataset of all Chinese county-level jurisdictions from 1999–2006, we find strong evidence for an inverse U-shaped relationship between the number of county-level jurisdictions within a prefecture—our proxy for the intensity of political competition—and fiscal revenues in most provinces but not so in politically unstable ethnic minority regions. The results are robust to various alternative specifications, including models that account for heterogeneous county characteristics and spatial interdependence.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 75-93
Author(s):  
Bian Zhiyao

From the perspective of the transaction cost theory, this paper analyzes that the mandarin popularization in ethnic minority regions helps reduce the transaction cost, enhances trust, results in the "innovation and entrepreneurship" effect, and improves the action mechanism of the county-level innovation and entrepreneurship rate. Furthermore, based on the complete sample investigation results of rural residents within 0-3km in eight counties of Sino-Vietnam border, it constructs the quantitative model to conduct the empirical analysis of the significant positive role played by mandarin popularization in the county-level innovation and entrepreneurship in ethnic minority regions, which is that when the mandarin level is changed by 1%, the county-level innovation and entrepreneurship rate is changed by 0.397%.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110067
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Nemeth ◽  
Holley E. Hansen

While many previous studies on U.S. right-wing violence center on factors such as racial threat and economic anxiety, we draw from comparative politics research linking electoral dynamics to anti-minority violence. Furthermore, we argue that the causes of right-wing terrorism do not solely rest on political, economic, or social changes individually, but on their interaction. Using a geocoded, U.S. county-level analysis of right-wing terrorist incidents from 1970 to 2016, we find no evidence that poorer or more diverse counties are targets of right-wing terrorism. Rather, right-wing violence is more common in areas where “playing the ethnic card” makes strategic sense for elites looking to shift electoral outcomes: counties that are in electorally competitive areas and that are predominantly white.


2013 ◽  
Vol 213 ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica C. Teets

AbstractIn this article, I analyse civil society development in China using examples from Beijing to demonstrate the causal role of local officials' ideas about these groups during the last 20 years. I argue that the decentralization of public welfare and the linkage of promotion to the delivery of these goods supported the idea of local government–civil society collaboration. This idea was undermined by international examples of civil society opposing authoritarianism and the strength of the state-led development model after the 2008 economic crisis. I find growing convergence on a new model of state–society relationship that I call “consultative authoritarianism,” which encourages the simultaneous expansion of a fairly autonomous civil society and the development of more indirect tools of state control. This model challenges the conventional wisdom that an operationally autonomous civil society cannot exist inside authoritarian regimes and that the presence of civil society is an indicator of democratization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Taylor

This paper describes the protracted struggles by ethnic Khmers in An Giang Province to regain farmland taken from them by ethnic Vietnamese migrants during their forced absence from the Vietnam-Cambodian border during and after the Third Indochina War. Efforts by the original landowners to organize collectively to seek justice from national authorities were stifled by local officials motivated to preserve the new status quo and were ideologically delegitimized by members of the rural middle class. The findings shed new light on ethnic minority political agency and show how the Vietnamese state is drawn materially and discursively into conflicts between competing social groups.


2011 ◽  
Vol 205 ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu-wai Li ◽  
Bo Miao ◽  
Graeme Lang

AbstractLocal administration in China remains a contested territory of environmental governance. Economic growth often comes with high environmental cost; the central government's environmental regulations are implemented unevenly. This article examines the experience of policy uptake and adoption of the National Model City of Environmental Protection programme in the county-level cities of the Suzhou Municipality. It analyses the rationales for these cities' adoption of the policy, and implications for the emergence of the “environmental state” in local China. It suggests that while economic development remains an important priority of local officials, this preference is not immutable and is now complemented in some areas by substantial local commitments to environmental good practice, often under the influence of local leaders as well as provincial authorities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sa-kiera Tiarra Jolynn Hudson ◽  
Asma Ghani

There is substantial research on the nature and impact of gender prescriptive stereotypes. However, there has been relatively little work on whether these stereotypes are equally applicable to men and women of different identities. Across two studies (total N = 1074), we assessed gender prescriptive stereotypes intersectionality in an American context, for men and women of different sexual orientations (Study 1) and races (Study 2). Results show strong evidence of a straight-centric bias, as prescriptive stereotypes of men and women most closely aligned with those of straight men and women, but limited evidence for a White-centric bias. Furthermore, observed gender differences in prescriptive stereotypes were smaller or non-existent for sexual and ethnic minority targets compared to straight and White targets, suggesting that theories around the dyadic nature of gender stereotypes between men and women might be restricted to straight and White men and women.


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