scholarly journals Bicameral Conflict Resolution in the European Union: An Empirical Analysis of Conciliation Committee Bargains

2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS KÖNIG ◽  
BJORN LINDBERG ◽  
SANDRA LECHNER ◽  
WINFRIED POHLMEIER

This article is a study of bicameral conflict resolution between the Council and the European Parliament in the European Union, which has established a bicameral conciliation process under the co-decision procedure. Scholars commonly agree that the European Parliament has gained power under the co-decision procedure, but the impact of the conciliation process on the power distribution between the Council and the European Parliament remains unclear. The scholarly debate suggests that the power of the institutional actors depends on their proximity to the status quo, the (im-)patience and the specific preference distribution of the institutional actors, although most analyses assume that the Commission plays an insignificant role. Using an ordered probit model, this study examines the power distribution between the two institutional actors, the factors for their bargaining success and the role of the Commission in the period between 1999 and 2002. The findings show that the European Parliament wins most conflicts, but that the Council is more successful in multi-dimensional disputes. The results confirm some theoretical claims made in the literature, such as the importance of the status quo location and of preference cohesiveness. However, they also reject a major assumption in the literature on the irrelevance of the Commission in the conciliation process, which we show to have an influential informational position for parliamentary success.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (7) ◽  
pp. 784-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMIE KREPPEL

This article examines the influence of the European Parliament (EP) within the legislative process of the European Union. Although debate over the impact of the cooperation and co-decision I procedures continues, this article argues that, in part, the current theoretical debate is a false one that has caused many of the other important variables that affect EP legislative influence to be ignored. This article briefly revisits the current debate, then proceeds to an analysis of the success of more than 1,000 EP amendments under the cooperation and co-decision procedures. This evidence suggests that numerous other variables, such as internal EP unity and type of amendment made, have a significant impact on EP success, even controlling for procedure. In addition, this comparison points out some empirical differences between the two procedures that have been largely ignored in the theoretical debate but that nonetheless have a significant impact of EP success and merit further study.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110364
Author(s):  
Adam Kirpsza

The article explores factors affecting the duration of the co-decision procedure (currently the ordinary legislative procedure), the main procedure for adopting legislation in the European Union. Drawing from rational choice institutionalism, it expects the speed of co-decision to be determined by three attributes: the impatience of legislators, issue linkage and the characteristics of Council and European Parliament negotiators ( relais actors). The hypotheses are tested using survival analysis on a dataset of 599 controversial legislative acts submitted and enacted under co-decision between 1999 and 2009. The results show that co-decision proposals are decided faster when they are urgent, negotiated prior to the European Parliament elections and concluded through single proposal logrolls. By contrast, multi-proposal packages and the ideological distance between relais actors prolong decision-making. Overall, the article contributes to the literature by showing that the impatience of legislators, package deals and the properties of negotiators are relevant drivers of co-decision duration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Paulina Szeląg

On January 19, 2012, the European Commission (Commission) decided to launch a visa liberalisation dialogue with Kosovo, and on June 14, 2012, it handed over to Kosovo’s government a ‘Roadmap Towards a Visa-free Regime’. This document included 95 requirements that Kosovo had to fulfil. By 2016, the Commission had adopted four reports on progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue. In a report issued on May 4, 2016, the EC proposed to the Council of the EU (Council) and the European Parliament (EP) to lift visa requirements on the citizens of Kosovo. The Commission stressed that by the day of the adoption of the proposal by the EP and the Council, Kosovo must have ratified the border/boundary agreement with Montenegro and strengthened its track record in the fight against organised crime and corruption. On July 18, 2018, the Commission confirmed in a report on the progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue, that the country had fulfilled the last two requirements included in the roadmap. The aim of this article is to analyse the visa-liberalisation dialogue between the European Union (EU) and Kosovo and whether liberalisation through a visa-free regime with Kosovo had an influence on reducing organised crime and corruption in Kosovo. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as statistical data.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julijana Angelovska

The objective of the research is to investigate the impact of political events – “name issue” on the Macedonian Stock Exchange (MSE). Structural changes in volatility of Macedonian capital market seems to be more a consequence of political changes, especially from the perspective of international politics and the association of the country into NATO and the European Union. The research analyzes the response of capital markets to political events. Such an event is the summit in Bucharest as the day D (03/04/2008) which certainly had an impact because of prolonged unresolved problem of the name imposed by Greece. Visa liberalization and the day of solving the status of candidate country for accession to the European Union will be discussed too. An event methodology is employed, and the results suggest that the market respond to all political events connected “name issue”. The results also indicate that there is no difference between the means of abnormal returns before and after the event. Sensitivity of the Macedonian investor related to any information connected to the word "name" is enormous. The Macedonian investor belief is that if “name” issue would be solved, regardless of possible negative real economic flows stock exchange will increase. The paper provides information regarding the effects of solving this name issue on Macedonian investor, and his expectation on this issue. But even if it is solved, the global economic crises and difficult economic situation in Macedonia especially this situation will be temporary and due to low liquidity, foreigners may use local optimism to sell their shares.


Focaal ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 2008 (51) ◽  
pp. 113-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustav Peebles

By comparing the spatial organization of Swedish labor and leisure practices today with the movements and stereotypes tied to previous generations of Sweden's sizeable population of so-called "vagrants," this article studies the impact of state policy on the spatial imagination of both citizens and other sojourners within its bounds. Because the ethnographic research for the article took place in a new transnational city that is being created by the European Union and various local proponents, the article then considers the same issue at the EU level, to pursue the question of the EU's "state-ness" and the status of migrant laborers within that emerging polity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Katharina L. Meissner ◽  
Guri Rosén

Abstract As in nearly all European Union (EU) policy areas, scholars have turned to analysing the role of national parliaments, in addition to that of the European Parliament (EP), in trade politics. Yet, there is limited understanding of how the parliamentarians at the two levels interact. This article fills the gap by conceptualizing these interactions as a continuum ranging between cooperation, coexistence and competition. We use this continuum to explore multilevel party interactions in EU trade talks and show how cooperation compels politicization – national parliamentarians mainly interact with their European colleagues in salient matters. However, we argue that the impact of politicization on multilevel relations between parliamentarians in the EP and national parliaments is conditioned by party-level factors. Hence, we account for how and why politicization triggers multilevel party cooperation across parliaments in the EU through ideological orientation, government position and policy preferences and show how this takes place in the case of trade.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (54) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Wojciech Dąbroś ◽  
Janusz Kudła

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (S1) ◽  
pp. 131-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wikinson

The result of the Brexit referendum sends shockwaves through the political fabric of the UK, Europe and beyond. It is the latest instance in a series of anti-systemic shocks to hit the EU, but will almost certainly not be the last, as discontent with the status quo and a disconnected elite continues unabated across the Continent (and is replicated across the Atlantic), and the European Union provides a convenient target for voters to express their anger and resentment.


Author(s):  
Vlad Constantinesco

La construcción de la Unión Europea ha interactuado sistemáticamente con los ordenamientos jurídicos nacionales, de los que procede. El conjunto de reglas que vienen del Derecho de la UE ha desafiado las nociones básicas y las viejas categorías jurídicas construidas por los sistemas jurídicos nacionales. Este artículo analiza el impacto de la legislación de la UE sobre la importante noción de la soberanía-consustancial, en Francia, a la noción de Estado y, en segundo lugar, se examinan las consecuencias que la legislación de la UE podría producir sobre la situación de los nacionales franceses, que se han convertido, desde el Tratado de Maastricht, en ciudadanos de la Unión Europea. Los dos términos de la importante relación política, Estado y ciudadanos, se encuentran sin duda bajo la influencia del Derecho de la Unión Europea.The construction of the European Union has consistently interacted with national legal orders which it proceeds. The set of rules coming from EU Law has challenged the basic notions and the old legal categories built by national legal systems. This article considers the impact of EU law on the important notion of sovereignty - consubstantial, in France, to the notion of State and, secondly, examines what consequences the EU law could produce regarding the status of French nationals, which have become, since the Treaty of Maastricht, citizens of the European Union. The two terms of the major political relation: State and citizen, are definitely under EU Law influence.


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