Friends at Court: Federalism and Provincial Elections on Prince Edward Island

AbstractOnly in Prince Edward Island have voters tended to elect provincial administrations of the same party stripe as the federal government. The authorargues that this has not occurred purely by chance and that, in fact, provincial campaigns have historically revolved around the issue of being “in line” with Ottawa. Presently, support for federal-provincial partisan congruence is rooted in those Islanders who can be characterized as “political animals” as well as in the dominant groups of the Island's social structure. The author concludes that the deviating provincial election of 1982 does not represent a fundamental change in the Islanders’ political orientations.

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The Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville ◽

10.3138/ttr.2.2-3.108 ◽

1980 ◽

Vol 2 (2-3) ◽

pp. 108-109

Author(s):

Mark Kesselman

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Local Government ◽

Federal Government ◽

The United States ◽

State Governments ◽

Local Autonomy ◽

Fundamental Change ◽

Local Expenditures

Acentral ingredient of democracy in the United States, according to Tocqueville, was local autonomy – yet the data presented by Professor Austin suggests a fundamental change in the United States since Tocquevilles time. Most local expenditures are now provided by the federal and state governments, most “local” programs are not local at all, for many (if not most) purposes the local government has become an extension of the federal government, and it is often replaced altogether by federally created field agencies (what the French call deconcentrated administration).

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Who is an Aborigine?

The Aboriginal Child at School ◽

10.1017/s0310582200013122 ◽

1984 ◽

Vol 12 (1) ◽

pp. 58-58

Keyword(s):

Social Structure ◽

Cultural Values ◽

Federal Government ◽

Aboriginal People ◽

Strong Sense ◽

Torres Strait Island ◽

Torres Strait ◽

Sense Of Identity ◽

Aboriginal Groups ◽

Aboriginal Person

The answer to the question above may seem obvious, but it often appears that there is misunderstanding among the community at large about who and what Aborigines are.The Federal Government sums up the answer this way:An Aboriginal person is one of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Island descent who identifies as Aboriginal or Islander and is accepted as such by the community with which he or she is associated.While Aboriginal people often differ markedly in their outlook and values from non-Aboriginal people, it is not so well known that Aboriginal groups themselves vary in language, culture and social structure.These differences between Aboriginal people depend on their attachment to traditional cultural values, the degree to which they have adopted a European lifestyle and in the customs of differing regional groups.Whatever their background. Aboriginal people have a strong sense of identity and pride in being Aboriginal.

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The Development of Dual Loyalties: Immigrants' Integration to Canadian Regional Dynamics

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423910000600 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 43 (3) ◽

pp. 515-544 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Antoine Bilodeau ◽

Stephen White ◽

Neil Nevitte

Keyword(s):

Federal Government ◽

The Political ◽

Liberal Party ◽

Political Dynamics ◽

Local Populations ◽

Regional Dynamics ◽

Political Orientations ◽

Source Countries ◽

Election Studies ◽

Political Norms

Abstract.The transformations in recent patterns of immigration have the potential to reshape the trajectory of Canada's regional political dynamics. Drawing on data from the 1993–2006Canadian Election Studies, this analysis explores how immigrants adjust to the prevailing regional political norms in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. Do newcomers adopt the political orientations (feelings towards Canada and their province, confidence in provincial and federal governments, perceptions about how the province is treated by the federal government and support for the Liberal party) that resemble those of their native-born provincial counterparts? The results suggest that immigrants, especially newer waves from non-traditional source countries, tend to develop orientations that are more federally oriented than the local populations in their province. This tendency is most pronounced in Quebec where both groups of immigrants from traditional and non-traditional source countries internalize political grievances and norms less efficiently than their counterparts in other provinces.Résumé.Les transformations récentes des tendances migratoires pourraient avoir un impact sur l'évolution des dynamiques politiques régionales au Canada. Cette enquête s'appuie sur les données de sondage de l'Étude électorale canadiennede 1993 à 2006 et vise à déterminer si les immigrants adoptent les attitudes et les comportements politiques dominants de leur province de résidence (Québec, Ontario, Alberta et Colombie-Britannique). Les immigrants adoptent-ils des attitudes et des comportements politiques (attachement au Canada et à la province de résidence, confiance envers les gouvernements fédéral et provincial, perception du traitement réservé par le gouvernement fédéral à la province de résidence et appui au Parti libéral du Canada) qui ressemblent à ceux des populations locales de leur province? Les résultats de l'enquête suggèrent que les immigrants, surtout ceux d'origines dites non traditionnelles, ont tendance à développer des comportements et des attitudes politiques plus orientés vers le gouvernement fédéral que ceux affichés dans leur province. Cette tendance est particulièrement marquée au Québec où les immigrants, tant d'origines traditionnelles que non traditionnelles, semblent assimiler moins efficacement que les immigrants des autres provinces les griefs et les normes politiques de la population provinciale.

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Middle-Class Formation and Class Alliance

Social Science History ◽

10.1017/s014555320001230x ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 26 (1) ◽

pp. 105-137 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Doowon Suh

Keyword(s):

Social Class ◽

Social Structure ◽

White Collar ◽

Occupational Structure ◽

Simple Task ◽

Trade Unionism ◽

The Social ◽

Political Orientations ◽

Different Types ◽

White Collar Workers

The fact that white-collar workers share relatively similar experiences of economic hardship and proletarianization across nations but develop clearly different types of trade unionism renders the theoretical relevance of formalist and economist approaches to the class location and class character of whitecollar workers questionable. According to this perspective, notwithstanding ideological and logical variants, social class reflects an occupational conglomerate, and class constituents' consciousness, disposition, and action are determined by their position in the social structure. Analysis of social class becomes a simple task of filling empty strata with workers and debate centers on the demarcation lines within the occupational structure, generating theories of class structure without attention to class agents (Bourdieu 1984). By contrast, historico-cultural, ethnographic approaches to social class, pioneered by E. P. Thompson's monumental work in 1963, turn formalist, economist theories on their head by bringing class agents back in. The process by which workers become class members is considered complex, contingent, and relational: lifestyles, dispositions, modes of collective action, and political orientations blend at a historical juncture in such a way that a class character substantially distinct and sustained enough forms and becomes an important dimension of social structure.

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An Evaluation System for the Natural Resource Sectors of the Prince Edward Island Development Plan

Journal of the Northeastern Agricultural Economics Council ◽

10.1017/s0163548400004416 ◽

1973 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 250-261

Author(s):

Frank W. Millerd

Keyword(s):

Federal Government ◽

Low Income ◽

Prince Edward Island ◽

Evaluation System ◽

National Average ◽

Development Plan ◽

Resource Industry ◽

Comprehensive Development ◽

Small Production ◽

Per Capita

Prince Edward Island, one of the four Atlantic Provinces of Canada, has recently, in conjunction with the Federal government, undertaken a comprehensive development plan in an effort to break the “vicious circle” of poverty, low income and low productivity characteristic of a depressed region. Before the development plan was instituted, levels of unemployment on the island were consistently three to seven percent above the national average. The economy is characterized by a heavy dependence upon land based resource industry, particularly agriculture, and the resources of the sea. The small amount of manufacturing is related almost entirely to these resources and is organized in small production units. Accordingly, per capita income ranges between 60% and 70% of the national average. The P.E.I. development plan is broad-based, massive in relation to the economy of the island, and contained in a single geographical and political unit. Development projects are planned, not just for a few sectors of the economy, but for practically all sectors and at a scale of investment where significant changes should occur.

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