Nouvelles instances participatives et contre-pouvoirs : Fung et Wright «revisités» à partir des expériences marseillaises et québécoises

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Patsias ◽  
Sylvie Patsias
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Quebec City ◽  
Participatory Governance ◽  
General Overview ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux

Résumé. Selon Fung et Wright, la mise en place d'une gouvernance participative impliquerait l'apparition de contre-pouvoirs spécifiques, différents de ceux qui caractérisent les espaces politiques «agonistiques» dans lesquels opèrent les mouvements sociaux. Nous discutons ces conclusions à partir d'une comparaison des rôles joués par des comités de citoyens à Marseille et à Québec dans l'émergence et l'activité d'instances participatives nouvelles. À l'inverse des deux auteurs, nous soulignons que, dans certains cas au moins, la mise en place d'une gouvernance plus participative ne saurait se passer de l'existence de mouvements sociaux, et que certaines des «qualités» que Fung et Wright prêtent aux contre-pouvoirs spécifiques des nouvelles instances participatives peuvent favoriser, au contraire, des logiques de cooptation, néfastes aux pratiques de la démocratie participative. Nous terminons cette discussion par une réflexion plus générale sur les façons de penser le conflit en science politique et sur leur pertinence épistémologique et heuristique.Abstract. According to Fung and Wright, the establishment of participatory governance involves specific stakeholders, different from those characterizing the “antagonistic” political spaces in which social movements operate. We discuss these conclusions via a comparison of roles played by citizens' committees in Marseille and Quebec City in the emergence of new participatory instances. Contrary to the two authors, we stress that, at least in certain cases, the establishment of more participatory governance could not occur without the existence of social movements. More precisely, some features that Fung and Wright attribute to participatory stakeholders could, on the contrary, favour co-optation, harmful to the practices of participatory democracy. We complete this discussion with a more general overview of ways of perceiving the conflict in political science and their epistemological and heuristic relevance.

scholarly journals 1968 E NÓS: crise de representação e movimentos sociais

Caderno CRH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 020022
Author(s):  
Gabriel Pietro Siracusa
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Il Y A ◽  
May 1968

<div class="trans-abstract"><p>O artigo busca examinar o movimento conhecido como “coletes amarelos”, ocorrido na França, em seus desenvolvimentos e principais reivindicações expostas até janeiro de 2019. Primeiramente, realiza-se uma discussão teórica acerca da crise da democracia representativa, buscando ligar o movimento que teve início em 2018 àqueles que ocorreram 50 anos atrás, em maio de 1968. Nesse sentido, procura-se estabelecer uma linha de continuidade entre movimentos que exigem uma real democratização do poder. Em segundo lugar, tenta-se destacar as possíveis contribuições do movimento dos coletes amarelos à uma concepção de ciência política e de democracia mais aberta e plural.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chave: </strong>Democracia Representativa; Movimentos Sociais; Coletes Amarelos; Multidão; Momento Populista</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"> </p><p class="sec"><strong>1968 ET NOUS: la crise de représentation et les mouvements sociaux</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>This article examines the movement known as “yellow jackets”, occurred in France, considering its main developments and demands until January 2019. The argument is first developed through a theoretical discussion about the crisis of representative democracy, intending to connect the movement that began in 2018 to those that occurred 50 years ago, in May 1968. In this regard, I searched to establish a line of continuity between those movements that demand a real democratization of power. In second place, the article highlights some possible contributions from the yellow jackets movement to a more open and plural conception of democracy and political science.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Representative Democracy; Social Movements; Yellow Jackets; Multitude; Populist Moment</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><strong>1968 AND US: crisis of representation and social movements</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>L’article examine les principaux développements et demandes du mouvement connu sous le nom de « Gilets Jaunes », apparu en France, jusqu’au Janvier 2019. L’argument est développé premièrement par une discussion théorique sur la crise de la démocratie représentative en reliant le mouvement commencé en 2018 avec lesquels qui se sont passés il y a 50 années, en mai 1968. À cet égard, on cherche établir une ligne de continuité entre ces mouvements qui demandent une réelle démocratisation du pouvoir. Ensuite, l’article souligne quelques possibles contributions des Gilets Jaunes à une conception plus ouvert et pluriel de démocratie et de science politique.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Démocratie Représentative; Mouvements Sociaux; Gilets Jaunes; Multitude; Moment Populiste.</p></div>

scholarly journals Social Movement Structures in Relation to Goals and Forms of Action: An Exploratory Model

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurgen Willems ◽  
Marc Jegers
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Classification System ◽  
Structural Features ◽  
Classification Criteria ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Nous Utilisons ◽  
Exploratory Model

ABSTRACT This article describes a theoretical taxonomy of the structural features of social movements. We begin by using two classification criteria to analyze the types of relations that characterize the structure of social movements. From there, we look at how differences in structure relate to different goals and forms of action. We then derive a four-fold classification system based on formalization and hierarchy of relationships. For each classification we provide case descriptions of social movements (or parts thereof) using literature on how different movement structures support different types of goals and forms of action. Furthermore, we discuss the dynamics of social movements (or parts thereof) and how their classification may evolve. By doing so, we illustrate how changes in structure, goals, and forms of action mutually influence each other. RÉSUMÉ Cet article dresse une taxonomie théorique des caractéristiques structurelles des mouvements sociaux. Nous utilisons d’abord deux critères de classification pour analyser les types de relation propres à la structure des mouvements sociaux. Par la suite, nous observons comment des différences de structure coïncident avec des buts et des formes d’action différents. Nous développons ensuite un système de classification quadruple fondé sur la formalisation et l’hiérarchisation des relations. Pour chacune des classifications, nous fournissons des descriptions de cas de mouvements sociaux (ou de parties de ceux-ci) en recourant à des écrits sur la manière dont des structures de mouvement différentes entraînent des buts et des formes d’action différents. En outre, nous discutons des dynamiques des mouvements sociaux (ou de parties de ceux-ci) et comment leur classification pourrait évoluer. Par ce moyen, nous illustrons comment des changements de structure, de but et de forme d’action s’influencent réciproquement.

scholarly journals Political Parties and Participative Approaches to Democracy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Gianolla
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Representative Model ◽  
The Relationship

Representative democracy is currenty facing strong social criticism for its incapacity to envolve people in a way that makes them part of the decision-making process. An existing gap between the representatives and the represented is hereby emphasized. In this space, the role of political parties is central in order to bridge society with institutions. How much are parties concerned about this issue? How and in which context do they interact more with their electorate and the wider society? Participatory democracy is emerging throughout the world in different forms and with different results, but the dominant pattern of democracy remains the liberal western democratic paradigm in which people can contribute barely through electing candidates. In order to achieve what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘democratisation of democracy’ the role of political parties is therefore fundamental in particular to achieve a more participative democracy within the representative model. This article approaches this theme through a bibliographic review comparing social movements and political parties with a focus on the innovation of the Five Star Movement in Italy. Finally, it provides a reading of the relationship between political parties andparticipation, including good practice and perspectives.KEYWORDS: Participation, political parties, social movements, political movements, representative democracy, participatory democracy.

Ecolo et les "nouveaux mouvements sociaux" en Belgique francophone : frères de sang ou lointains cousins ?

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 443-459
Author(s):  
Benoït Rihoux
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Third World ◽  
World Peace ◽  
New Social Movements ◽  
Bottom Line ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
The Status ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Elected Representatives

This article deals with the nature and the evolution of the relationships between the Belgian French-speaking Green party Ecolo and the new social movements in Wallonia and Brussels, from the larger identified sectors of these movements (environment, third-world, peace, anti-nuclear, women) to various other movements. To start with, the status of these movements in the emergence of the Greenparty is scrutinised. Then, on the basis of a survey conducted amongst members of the party elite (elected representatives and cadres), different modalities of the party/movements links are analysed: joint activism, selective communication channels between the elites, structural links. The bottom line is that, altogether, the links are tighter than one might expect, but that the Green party new social movements linkage remains ambiguous in many respects.

A Discussion of Richard Flacks and Nelson Lichtenstein's The Port Huron Statement: Sources and Legacies of the New Left’s Founding Manifesto

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 807-808
Author(s):  
Philip Green
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Important Influence ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
The Impact

The Port Huron Statement was one of the most important manifestos of the New Left in the United States. A foundational statement of the theme of “participatory democracy,” the text had an important influence on post-1960s politics and, arguably, on post-1960s political science. The recent publication of a new edition of the Statement is an occasion for reflection on its importance. And so we have invited a distinguished cast of political scientists shaped by the events of the sixties to comment on the impact of the Statement on their own way of envisioning and practicing political science.

Recognition, Redistribution and Redress: The Case of the “Chinese Head Tax”

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 883-902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt James
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Conceptual Model ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux

Abstract. This article uses the recent Canadian campaign seeking redress for the infamous “Chinese head tax” as a vantage point from which to consider whether recognition-seeking social movements are undermining the cause of egalitarian redistribution. Methodologically, the article seeks to complement the normative theorizing and conceptual model-making that have tended to characterize the “recognition versus redistribution” debate by focusing more concretely on the dynamics of an actual social movement campaign. The article demonstrates how this approach can help to identify important nuances in recognition campaigns that blanket claims about recognition's impact both ignore and serve to obscure.Résumé. Cet article étudie la récente campagne canadienne cherchant la réparation dans les cas d'application de l'infâme taxe d'immigration aux Canadiens d'origine chinoise. Cette campagne offre l'opportunité pour étudier si les mouvements sociaux militant pour la reconnaissance des situations d'abus perpétrées par le passé sont en train d'éroder la cause de la redistribution égalitaire. D'un point de vue méthodologique, l'article essaie de compléter la théoretisation normative et le developpement de modèles conceptuels qui ont seulement pris en compte le débat dit “ de la reconnaissance versus la redistribution ”, en se concentrant plus sur l'étude de la dynamique d'une campagne sociale contemporaine. L'article montre le fait que cette approche peut aider à mettre en exergue d'importants nuances dans les campagnes dites “ de la reconnaissance ”, que des études plus generaux sur l'impact de la reconnaissance ignorent.

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