The Formation of Capitalist Agriculture in Latin America and Its Relationship to Political Power and the State

1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Winson

Among the various weaknesses that characterize much of the literature concerning political phenomena in Latin America, there are a few that appear to be fundamental. One serious criticism that could be made concerns the marked ahistoricity of many studies, exemplified by the tendency to take certain social structural features as given in this context, such as the existence of an oligarchy, a more or less undifferentiated impoverished mass, and a weak and politically insignificant middle class. This static and ahistorical consideration of structural phenomenon is directly related to a further weakness of such literature, this being the tendency to isolate political processes from what is in fact a dynamic socioeconomic reality, and thereby reduce the former to the interplay of more or less circumstantial factors.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Stelgias

Few years since the 9/11 Attacks in New York and following its rise to power, the AKP has gradually established a so-­called “competitive authoritarian regime,” in order to consolidate and secure its political power. This regime is hybrid and it is based on liberal principles (absence of tutelary authorities, protection of civil liberties, universal suffrage, free elections etc.). The AKP also provides for a reasonably fair level of political competition between the party in power (government) and the opposition. At the same time, however, the system shows some undemocratic features (violation of civil liberties, unfair elections, and uneven political competition.) This hybrid regime is based on three pillars: the state, the party and a newly emerged middle class in Anatolia. Through this hybrid regime Anatolia’s newly emerged middle class redefines its cultural and socio-­economic relations.


Author(s):  
Viviane Brachet-Márquez

This article divides the history of the scholarship on state formation (SF) in Latin America into four waves, which began in the 1980s with narratives on the structural features of state apparatuses. A second wave, which took off in the 1990s, brings out the national, subnational, and local historical dynamics of SF. A third wave of recent works focuses on the historical roots of the bellic, administrative, and fiscal capacities of states in Latin America as unfavorably compared with those of early modern European states. The last section lays out the latest efforts to critically examine and reinterpret previous debates and findings and to go beyond them while incorporating the valuable information and insights they have accumulated over the years.


1994 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Winters

This essay reviews three recent books on the political economy of finance in postcolonial Asia and Latin America and suggests a framework for examining the relationship between political power and varying patterns of control over investment resources. The stress is on the constraints different controllers of capital can impose on state leaders, the conditions under which policymakers can subvert these constraints, and how conflicts within the state over the trajectory of policy are mediated by who (or what) supplies critical investment resources and the institutional channels through which the resources flow.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 248-270
Author(s):  
Paul Anderson

Are calls for civility necessarily elitist, serving to reproduce existing hierarchies of social and political power? Or, can they work to clear a space in which citizenship can be reimagined and new political demands can emerge? This article explores the contradictory politics of civility in pre-conflict Aleppo. Notions of incivility and disorder allowed Aleppo’s commercial middle classes to reimagine what citizenship might mean by expressing discontent with lethargic and repressive systems of government. However, the same language they mobilised to criticise the state also associated civility and order with a specifically bourgeois habitus, which was deployed to preserve existing domains of urban privilege and to entrench the social precedence of urban propertied elites over the dislocated rural poor. Calls for civility may be simultaneously elitist and emancipatory, envisaging new forms of citizenship and public life, while drawing their energy from sources that are implicated in other forms of hierarchy and exclusion. The article considers the implications of this analysis in relation to the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in 2011.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.


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