Response to David Woods

2000 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Skedros

The origins of the cult of St. Demetrios are indeed obscure. The earliest indisputable evidence for the existence of the cult of St. Demetrios at Thessaloniki is the large five-aisle basilica built in honor of the martyr and located in the center of this important port city. Based upon archaeological and art historical evidence, the basilica can be dated to the last quarter of the fifth century. However, the written tradition of the cult of St. Demetrios, as preserved in various martyrdom accounts (whose dates remain problematic), places the saint's martyrdom at Thessaloniki during the persecution of Diocletian, that is, during the first decade of the fourth century, some one-hundred and seventy five years before the erection of the saint's basilica. To complicate matters even more, in the earliest surviving martyrologies dating from the fourth and fifth centuries, there is no mention of a martyr Demetrios who was martyred or venerated at Thessaloniki. Given such lack of historical evidence, most scholars, including David Woods, whose article appears in the pages of this journal, have argued that St. Demetrios of Thessaloniki is a fictitious saint and that the origin of his veneration at Thessaloniki is not to be found in a historical individual who was martyred under Diocletian at Thessaloniki, but rather must be sought elsewhere.

Author(s):  
Daniele Miano

This chapter considers the relationship between Fortuna and Tyche as one of translatability. The first half of the chapter focuses on Tyche, with the aim of determining semantic and structural elements common with Fortuna. The second part of the chapter looks at instances in which Fortuna is translated in Greek. The appearance of bronze strigils bearing the epithet soteira from Praeneste in the fourth century BC seems to presuppose this translation, and also points to the salvific meanings of Fortuna as a base for the process of translation. This process of translation had probably occurred through early contacts between Latium, Sicily, and Magna Graecia, where Tyche seems to be associated with salvation already from the fifth century BC. Other instances of translations of Fortuna and Tyche are studied across the Aegean.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian M. Billing

In this article Christian M. Billing considers the relationship between female lament and acts of vengeance in fifth-century Athenian society and its theatre, with particular emphasis on the Hekabe of Euripides. He uses historical evidence to argue that female mourning was held to be a powerfully transgressive force in the classical period; that considerable social tensions existed as a result of the suppression of female roles in traditional funerary practices (social control arising from the move towards democracy and the development of forensic processes as a means of social redress); and that as a piece of transvestite theatre, authored and performed by men to an audience made up largely, if not entirely, of that sex, Euripides' Hekabe demonstrates significant gender-related anxiety regarding the supposedly horrific consequences of allowing women to speak at burials, or to engage in lament as part of uncontrolled funerary ritual. Christian M. Billing is an academic and theatre practitioner working in the fields of ancient Athenian and early modern English and European drama. He has worked extensively as a director and actor and has also taught at a number of universities in the United Kingdom and the USA. He is currently Lecturer in Drama at the University of Hull.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 142-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Gomme

There is still something to be said about these figures for the Athenian hoplite force, the more so as the most reasonable discussion of them, Meyer's, is spoilt by some unsound inferences and has in consequence not found support. Their difficulty is apparent: a muster πανσημει in 338 meant calling up all classes up to the age of 50 (Lycurg. c. Leocr. 39), and since Socrates fought at Delion and Amphipolis when he was in his late forties, and not at Mantineia when he was over 50, we may assume that it meant the same in the fifth century; we also assume (though this is by no means proved) that ‘the youngest’ are those in their nineteenth and twentieth years, as in the fourth century, certainly after the reform of the Ephebeia, perhaps earlier (Aeschin. II. 167); military service ceased at 60. But how could the number of men in these twelve classes, 19-20 and 51-60, stand in the proportion of 13: 17 (16,000 less 3,000 metics, 13,000 plus 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 metics) to the men between 21 and 50 ? They could not be more than a third, and might be less. (Beloch, 1923, tries to make the problem more difficult by the arbitrary assumption that the 13,000 citizen hoplites are all the men of 21-60, instead of 21-50. Meyer, who accepts Thucydides’ figures, forgets that there must have been ‘oldest and youngest’ metics, besides the 3,000 who marched into Megara. Busolt and Meyer also argue that the classes 51-60 will have suffered specially heavy losses in the battles of 459-445, while the eight youngest classes would have seen no fighting;


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-65
Author(s):  
Noor aisyah Mokhtar ◽  
Kamarul afizi Kosman

Research Highlights Despite of many historical records from Portuguese about the physical of Melaka Malay City, its existence is still doubtful since there is no clear physical evidence that can be used as basis support to its existence. However, to prove that the city was existed, various physical and scientific evidence are required to prove its existence. Thus, this study aims to identify historical evidence that mentioned its existence which based on the first painting of A’Famosa (Malacca Fort City during Portuguese era). The study proposed three hypothesis and results indicated there is a postivie outcome to prove that the Melaka Malay City existed on and around Bukit Melaka (or St Paul Hill now) based on historical records and sketches found.   Research Objectives This paper attempts to uncover and reveal the historical evidence of Melaka Malay (Fort) City before the city was destroyed and rebuilt according to Portuguese terms. This paper was created to identify the differences between designs and layout plans between the Malacca Malay (Fort) City and the world-renowned Fort A’Famosa, thus comparing the hypothesis arguments about the existence of Melaka City. Indeed, there is a clear distinction between the design, layout, character and philosophy of the Malay and Portuguese cities. The scope focuses only on the site of the physical building (which is believed to be historical evidence) of the city at the Melaka River’s estuary where important and significant buildings during Melaka Malay empire was constructed – the palace, mosque, administration buildings, harbors, and different kind of settlements. There is a great probability of continuing this study into the use of satellite technology in determining and identifying the Melaka Malay City with more precise and accurate details. The implication of this study can be a catalyst for continuous and deeper research on the original site of the Melaka Malay City as to prove the validity of its existences.   Methodology In an effort to discuss the existence of this Melaka Malay City, various aspects and methods were conducted to find the most suitable matches and comparisons that almost accurately describe their design then prove its existence. The remains and plans of Melaka City today since the British era will be the basis of its existence. Hence, the study of historical records and sketches of the Melaka City from the Dutch government and subsequently the Portuguese will be made to seek physical evidence of the earliest design of Melaka City. Later, the historical records of the city from Malay Archipelago, Chinese, Portuguese and Dutch sources will be depicted in city design. As a reinforcement, the philosophy of urban design in the Malay World is highlighted as well as presenting the comparison between the other Malay Kingdoms and the Melaka Malay City.   Results The foundations of the Malay cities basically were designed in square or rectangular shape, no matter how far the city was set up (Abdul Halim Nasir, 1990). This is in line with the philosophy in the Malay world that associated with a simple yet sufficient form of compassion that covers the various aspects of the Malay community's facilities and their living that are synonymous with modular systems (Yusoff Hashim, 2010). The first Fort A'Famosa built by the Portuguese was rectangular (G.W.Irwin, 2006). Its position was below the foot of Bukit Melaka and along the estuary of the Melaka River which is also near the bridge stretching the mouth of the Melaka River (Portuguese Documents of Malacca, 11: 6 de Goes, para 11). The city of A'Famosa in the painting has a relatively six-tower on the corner of the city near the bridge. Whereas city fort or bastion on three other city corners are two-storey building. A’Famosa was built on the site of the Great Mosque of Melaka (Portuguese Documents of Malacca, 11: 6 de Goes, the 25th) which features a rectangular shape as the custom of mosques designs in the Malay Archipelago realm at that time, then the A'Famosa was originally built in rectangular over the ruins (or damage) of the Great Mosque Malacca after the success of Portuguese colonization.   Findings The research showed that the design of Melaka City or A'Famosa City was in square or rectangular shape as it was built on the ruins of the Great Mosque of Melaka. The rectangular fort design was synonym with the design of other Malay forts or cities as it was a fundamental design tradition in the Malay world from fourth century until the later centuries after the collapse of Melaka empire either in Malay clusters. This coincides with the urban philosophy and design of the Malay and Islamic city that breed in the Malay Archipelago region at that time.


Author(s):  
Lowell Edmunds

This chapter explores the fifth-century strands of reception of Helen. The Helens discussed in this chapter are a selection made to illustrate the postepic narrative as presupposed by various writers in various media. In addition to these fifth-century strands, the chapter also turns to the fourth century, which is another important strand of reception. The fourth century traces a strand which begins with the Pythagoreans in Croton in southern Italy and leads on to Goethe by way of Simon Magus. Another strand begins with the first fictional Helen, which can be found in Ovid. The chapter accompanies this discussion with an introduction into the concept of fiction. Finally, this chapter provides an example of the parallel phenomenon in Greek literature.


Author(s):  
Lucy C. M. M. Jackson
Keyword(s):  

Chapter 1 brings together the evidence for when and where dramatic choruses danced in the fourth century, providing an historical base for the later discussions of fourth-century dramatic choral activity. After establishing the certain and likely locations for dramatic performances in Athens, Attica, and the wider ancient Mediterranean (and beyond), the chapter considers the question of who the choral performers were, and what their choral training might have involved. Through this focus on the choral performer, and the practicalities of producing so many dramatic productions in each year, the chapter can begin to draw together a new picture of choral industry in the fourth century, an industry that clearly had its roots in the fifth century. Considering the theory that ‘local’, ‘amateur’ choruses would be recruited for travelling groups of actors, it suggests that the evidence supports, instead, a class of skilled choral performers in line with the industry’s professionalizing turn.


Author(s):  
Dwayne A. Meisner

The third chapter is about a theogony that had been known to the philosopher Eudemus (fourth century BC), and all of the other fragments that modern scholars have associated with this theogony. The Neoplatonist Damascius (fifth century AD) says that the theogony started with Night, but modern scholars have tried to link this to other early fragments of Orphic poetry. This chapter discusses Aristophanes in the first section, and Plato and Aristotle in the second section, arguing that their scattered references to Orphic poems might not have been from the same theogony. The third section introduces the Orphic Hymn(s) to Zeus that appear in different variations, the earliest of which are from around the same time as these other fragments. The fourth section suggests that early Orphic fragments about Demeter and Dionysus are not from the Eudemian theogony.


Author(s):  
Lawrence J. Bliquez

The chapter looks at Greek and Roman surgical instruments. The survival of Greco-Roman surgical instruments falls into two divisions: tools available in Hippocratic times (fifth to fourth century bce), and instruments at the disposal of surgeons, mostly Greek, from the late Republic through the Empire (first century bce to fifth century ce). From the former, most survivals are cupping vessels from graves. The texts suggest the Hippocratic physician often created his tool on the spot or had a tool prepared for an immediate need, whereas most of an Imperial surgeon’s repertoire consisted of instruments professionally made and sold by smiths. The various kinds of instruments are described, explained, and illustrated: cupping vessels, scalpels, phlebotomes (for phlebotomy), lithotomes (for bladder stones), needles, probes, cauteries, hooks, forceps, saws, drills, chisels, files, levers, tubes, douches, specula, and abortives.


1940 ◽  
Vol 9 (27) ◽  
pp. 129-136
Author(s):  
T. B. L. Webster

‘If a man were a good painter, he could deceive children and fools by painting a carpenter and showing it from a long way off, because it would seem really to be a carpenter.’ Plato here (Republic, 598c) is undoubtedly describing realistic painting, perhaps not so photographically realistic as the paintings in Pompeii or the painting that we know to-day, but painting which aimed at producing a likeness and rendering the appearance of the original. Such pictures can be seen on the vases of the fourth century and of the late fifth century b.c., for instance the two women on a red-figured perfume vase in the Manchester School of Art, which was painted about the time of the dramatic date of the Republic (Pl. I). But if we go back rather over a hundred years to the black-figure vase reproduced by Mr. Austin in Greece and Rome, vol. vii, we are in a completely different world of flat figures in conventional poses, and if we go further back still to the Geometric vase (Fig. I) which forms the subject of Mr. Austin's article, we are yet further from the world of ‘likeness’. These early Greek painters cannot have wanted to produce likenesses; but what was their aim ?


2017 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Corke-Webster

In 1967 Alan Cameron published a landmark article in this journal, ‘The fate of Pliny'sLettersin the late Empire’. Opposing the traditional thesis that the letters of Pliny the Younger were only rediscovered in the mid to late fifth century by Sidonius Apollinaris, Cameron proposed that closer attention be paid to the faint but clear traces of the letters in the third and fourth centuries. On the basis of well-observed intertextual correspondences, Cameron proposed that Pliny's letters were being read by the end of the fourth century at the latest. That article now seems the vanguard of a rise in scholarly interest in Pliny's late-antique reception. But Cameron also noted the explicit attention given to the letters by two earlier commentators—Tertullian of Carthage, in the late second to early third century, and Eusebius of Caesarea, in the early fourth. The use of Pliny in these two earliest commentators, in stark contrast to their later successors, has received almost no subsequent attention.


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